Discussion:
RADIATION SOURCE COBALT-60, SAY EXPERTS
(too old to reply)
and/or www.mantra.com/jai (Dr. Jai Maharaj)
2010-04-10 06:18:16 UTC
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Radiation source Cobalt-60: Experts

By K. P. Singh and T. N. Raghunatha
The Pioneer
Saturday, April 10, 2010

Indraprasth aka New Delhi, and Mumbai - Identifying the radionuclide
responsible for high-level radiation witnessed in Mayapuri locality
on Thursday evening as Cobalt-60, the Department of Atomic Energy
(DAE) said on Friday evening that the radiation level had come down
to normal and the situation in the affected area was under control.

However, experts did not rule out the presence of large quantities
the radioactive substance hidden under the heaps of scrap in the
Mayapuri market. Senior police officials confirmed that they had
discovered a similar substance in a godown, some 400m away from the
spot where five persons suffered severe injuries following the
emission of radiation.

Even though harmful elements were safely removed from the area,
officials could not confirm from where the radioactive substance had
come. Initiating a probe into the matter, a case under Section 336 of
IPC against unknown persons has been registered.

A piece of radioactive Cobalt-60, which looked like a watch, was
found on Thursday evening in Deepak Jain's scrap shop (D-32). Jain, a
resident of Uttam Nagar, and his four workers were severely injured
after they came in contact with the object. His workers -- Ram Jivan
(30), Ram Kalap (30), Rajender (300 and Gorakh (20) -- are fighting
for their lives in Deen Dayal Upadhyay Hospital (DDU).

After five persons were hospitalised following exposure to radiation
in the Mayapuri area, a team of officers from DAE and Atomic Energy
Regulatory Board (AERB) searched the affected area all through
Thursday night and till Friday afternoon.

"By forenoon of Friday, several pieces of radioactive material could
be located. They were removed and packed in shielded containers....
The situation is under control. The radioactive material in the
shielded containers has already been shifted out of the affected area
and the radiation in the entire area has come down to normal
background level," Head of DAE's Public Awareness Division SK
Malhotra said in a statement in Mumbai. Contd on Page 4

According to Malhotra, the radionuclide -- Cobalt-60 -- responsible
for high radiation field witnessed in Mayapuri locality in the
national Capital is one such source used in industry for radiography,
nucleonic gauges for thickness measurement and in medical
applications.

Malhotra denied that the Mayapuri radiation exposure had anything to
do with any of the DAE facilities.

The officials belonging to the two nuclear establishments monitored
the radiation levels between the afternoon and evening of Wednesday
within the scrap shop and adjoining areas. While the shop -- the
owner of which was exposed to high level of radiation -- was in the
high radiation field, four more nearby shops also indicated high
radiation fields. The team located the sources of radiation and
isolated one of the sources and shielded the source with locally
available scrap materials. This was done to reduce radiation levels
in the surrounding areas," Malhtora said.

Meanwhile, according to doctors, Deepak Jain's bone marrow is
‘significantly suppressed' and his condition continues to be serious.
He is in the ICU and a multi-disciplinary team of doctors is
monitoring his condition. Jain's relative Rajesh said, "His health
began deteriorating 10 days ago. He complained of nausea and
headache. At first, he was admitted to Kalra Hospital but later he
was shifted to the AIIMS, thanks to his poor economic condition.
AIIMS authorities refused to admit him and finally with the help from
neighbours he is undergoing treatment at Apollo Hospital."

Meanwhile, Deepak Jain's neighbour Himanshu Jain too developed
similar symptoms and was admitted to the AIIMS late on Friday
evening. Himanshu was with Deepak when he was admitted to Apollo.

Confirming the presence of one more piece of Cobalt-60 in the
vicinity, Deputy Commissioner of Police (West) Sharad Aggarwal said
that the substance was traced by a team of atomic experts. "Experts
from the BARC, Narora Atomic Power Plant in Uttar Pradesh and Atomic
Energy Regulatory Board (AERB) reached the spot on Friday morning to
identify the mysterious object. They first located the object and
then identified it with their sophisticated equipments. Later, the
entire area was scanned carefully which led to the recovery of a
similar object from a nearby godown. The experts removed it safely in
another container. The area has been declared safe," said the DCP.

Aggarwal said the police were informed about the matter around 8.30
pm on Thursday by the officers of the AERB. "They told the police
that the scrap dealer has been exposed to the radioactive material
and is admitted to Apollo Hospital. Later, it was learnt that four of
Jain's staff, who were also affected by the radiation, were admitted
to DDU Hospital. Acknowledging the seriousness of the situation, the
area was cordoned-off till the experts removed the radioactive
substance safely on Friday," he added.

Jain had apparently bought the material about ten days ago and had
kept it inside the shop. "Jain was exposed to the radiation more as
he used to sit inside the shop for maximum time. As a result of
radiation, his hands and other body parts turned black. He hasn't so
far regained his consciousness." According to Aggarwal, the experts
took away the radioactive substance to the Narora plant for
inspection.

Cobalt-60 is a hard, lustrous, grey metal. Cobalt-based colours and
pigments have been used since ancient times for jewellery and paints.
"Cobalt-60 is used in fabrication work, especially for welding steel
which has higher thickness, though normally Iridium-192 is used for
welding of less thick steel," said BB Bhattacharya, member of
National Disaster Management Authority and former Director of BARC.
He said it is also used in treatment of cancer.

"There could be many ways through which it reached Mayapuri. Huge
quantum of scrap is imported daily and it is difficult to check each
and every thing. Although it is said that it has reached from
Faridabad, it can't be confirmed," said a police official on the
condition of anonymity, adding the substance could have come from
local hospitals. "This element is commonly used in the treatment of
cancer. After use, the substance is preserved carefully, as the
hospitals do not have technology to destroy it," he added.

Even local shop owners are unaware of the source of the material.
Neeraj Jain, a scrap dealer, said, "It depends on people from where
they take scrap."

http://dailypioneer.com/248210/Radiation-source-Cobalt-60-Experts.html

More at:
http://www.dailypioneer.com

Jai Maharaj, Jyotishi
Om Shanti

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2010-04-10 09:24:57 UTC
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Monday, February 8, 2010
Uncivilized Practices of the Civil Society

By Gladson Dungdung first published in Jharkand Mirror. It provides a
very crucial insight into the view of society towards adivasis in
India.

The term ‘Civil Society’ is mostly used for voluntary organizations,
non-governmental organizations and non-profit institutions. These are
also called as civil society organizations. Interestingly, most of
these organizations are always busy in criticizing the state (which is
of course not wrong as the state is a failure), but they themselves
behave like the state when it comes to the issues of Adivasis, Dalits
and Women of D-section (deprived sections), even though they have also
failed in delivering justice to marginalized peoples. Most of these
organizations are led by elites even after 62 years of Indian
independence. They enjoy corporate rate salaries, luxurious
accommodations and air travel in the name of Adivasis, Dalits and
women of D-section. The misappropriation of funds in the name of
marginalized groups remains uncounted, despite that they are masters
in lecturing on the issues of responsibility, transparency and
accountability.

There are very interesting kinds of so-called civil society
organizations – 1) based in the small cities or villages and getting
less funds, 2) headquartered in Delhi and other big cities and bagging
huge funds, and 3) NGO federations called people’s organizations.
Perhaps, the secretary, director and chief functionaries of these
organizations are never replaced against their will, though they talk
much about democracy. These civil society organizations also bring the
mass organizations, social movements and displacement movements into
their clutches and cash these in dollars, euros and pounds. Don’t be
surprised if some organizations based in Delhi show you a beautiful
power point presentation about the Adivasi movements against
displacement in Jharkhand, Orissa or Chhatishgarh.

There are also the holy cows called ‘funding agencies’ (national and
international), who love to be called civil society organizations,
whose prime job is to collect the money, enjoy most of it and give the
rest to other organizations. Ironically, these organizations fund
those NGOs headed by non-Adivasis for the revival of Adivasi
tradition, culture and ethos, but at the same time they avoid joining
hands with Adivasi-headed organizations for the same purposes. The sad
part is, the Adivasis are still unqualified for the funding
organizations; therefore, a few Adivasis can be seen in the lowest
strata of these organizations, despite their professional qualities,
commitment and dedication. There are also some organizations who
advocate for the Adivasi Chief Minister for the state of Jharkhand,
but when it comes to the matter of their organizations, they cannot
bear to see an Adivasi in the driving seat. They also advocate for
promotion and protection of Adivasi languages, but their doors are
always closed for the non-English speaking, marginalized people.

These organizations tirelessly use the connotation ‘empowering the
marginalized’, ‘voice to the voiceless’ and ‘women empowerment,’ but
when it comes to the question of leadership, they just escape in one
way or the other. Why did the civil society organizations fail in
bringing up the Adivasi leadership was the most important question
repeatedly asked in the National Consultation on Adivasis of India
organized by the National Centre for Advocacy Studies (NCAS) in Delhi
on December 15-16, 2009. A noted Gandhian and founder of the Ekta
Parishad, P.V. Rajgopal, accepts in denial mode that the civil society
organizations have failed in bringing up the Adivasi leadership but he
also advocates for a united fight by saying, “The issue like
displacement is not just limited to the Adivasis but it is also
hitting the farmers, vendors and fishermen.” But does it mean that the
question of Adivasis get less priority?

Ironically, the non-Adivasi leaders of the civil society organizations
not only respond diplomatically but also justify their leadership of
the Adivasis. While responding to the questions of Adivasis
leadership, a prominent social activist from Jharkhand, Sanjay Bosu
Mullick, says, “Since the Adivasis do not know about the exploitative
system and structure of our (non-adivasis) society, therefore we are
fighting with our people on behalf of them.” One can only appreciate
this diplomatic response and thank the God who has given wits, wisdom
and knowledge only to the non-Adivasis for not only understanding
their society but also the Adivasis, and shame on those Adivasis (like
me) who do not even possess the wisdom to understand their own
society.

The reality is that the Adivasis are racially discriminated, exploited
economically and denied their rights in the civil society
organizations. Similarly, the Dalits are treated like untouchables,
uneducated and inhuman, and the women of D-section are not only
exploited socially, economically and mentally but they are also
exploited sexually by the Big-bosses of the civil society
organizations. The irony is, our participation is for them is to
listen to our sorrows patiently through their tongues in a conference
hall, give our consent to their words and always make sure that they
are our messiahs. How would you explain it when your wisdom,
commitment, dedication, capacity and efficiency do not matter for them
but your race, caste, class, colour and relationship possesses
multiple values for them instead?

When the Adivasis enter into these organizations, especially in the
funding ones, their years of work experience are counted as one or two
years (so that they can be kept in the lowest strata), they are
compared with their counterpart (always a non-adivasi is used as a
parameter for them) for further promotion and their ten achievements
are not enough to beat the couple of achievements of a non-Adivasi.
When one raises these issues in the organizations, they would
manipulate, manufacture consent with their colleagues and dilute the
whole debate to ensure that the Adivasis lose the game. Finally, if
the Adivasis leave these organizations, they would frame them as
opportunists, non-committed to the Adivasi cause and counted as one
more enemy of the Adivasis.

One can question that why are the marginalized people of these
organizations keeping quiet in these circumstances? The instant answer
is, a wage labourer bears all kinds of discrimination, exploitation
and torture only because he/she knows that the day a question is
raised, he/she would be thrown out of the job. Similar theory is
applied to the marginalized people, who are ensuring their daily bread
from these civil society organizations. How can one dare to question
the big-boss, when he/she is just struggling for survival? Can you
imagine how the marginalized people are being exploited, denied and
discriminated against in those organizations, who tirelessly talk
about participation, empowerment, rights, equality and justice?

The fact of the matter is the perception, attitude and behaviour of
the elite heads of civil society organizations towards Adivasis,
Dalits and women of D-section are no different from the common people
of the so-called civilized society. They talk much about
participation, empowerment, rights, equality and justice merely to
ensure themselves a luxurious life, bag awards and become a role model
in the name of Adivasis, Dalits and Women of D-section; therefore,
they also play the game of words just like the politicians do. Can
anyone remind me about how many Adivasis, Dalits and women of D-
section were awarded (megasese) for their extraordinary work and
became a role model for all Indians?

Interestingly, the vision of these organizations is more or less the
same – formation of an equitable and just society, but the pertinent
question is how the utopian vision can be achieved through
discriminatory, inequitable and unjust practices? In fact, the elite
heads of the civil society organizations should stop their uncivilized
practices, which they are carrying out for decades. It is the right
time to let the marginalized people play their own game, become
umpires and take over as the match referee. And the elites should only
become the fourth umpires rather than playing match for the
marginalized people. Then only their talks about the empowerment,
equality and justice can be fulfilled.

Before civil society organizations organize the next consultation,
convention or conference on Adivasi, Dalit or Women’s Rights, all
marginalized people should stand up and say strongly that enough is
enough, let the Adivasis, Dalits and women of D-section speak for
themselves. The time has come to tell them (non-Adivasis heads) that
we are grateful to you for advocating on behalf of us for the last six
decades, but no more manipulation please. We are tired of hearing
about our grievances through your holy tongues; therefore, we want the
world to listen to our grievances through our mouths. We want to speak
for ourselves and we are capable enough to save our culture. But the
question that may remain unanswered is, will you, the Messiahs of the
Adivasis, Dalits and women listen us?

Gladson Dungdung is a Human Rights Activist and Writer from the
Adivasi (Indigenous) Community of Jharkhand. He can be reached at
***@gmail.com

Posted by MAND at 2/08/2010 12:32:00 PM 0 comments Links to this
post
Labels: Adivasi, Civil Society

http://mandgoa.blogspot.com/search/label/Adivasi

Goa, Goa, Gone

Mining is Goa’s second-largest industry after tourism. 8% of this
state’s land is already under mining, mostly for iron ore. Now, mining
activity is intensifying across the state. So is the opposition of
citizens to this unregulated industry. This Infochange documentary
explores the impact of mining on Goa’s environment – one of the
world’s 12 biodiversity hotspots -- and livelihoods

Watch Video

Directed by: Kurush Canteenwala
Duration: 22 mins

http://infochangeindia.org/Infochange-documentary.html

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Thursday, February 18, 2010
Mining promotes Poverty in Goa
By Sebastian Rodrigues

Approaching the theme

Natural economies were very common as the penetration of capital was
limited. This is in spite of Goa being Portuguese colony till 1961.
Geological survey began in Goa in early 20th century and first mining
lease was granted in 1929 by the Colonial Portuguese regime. The
actual mining activities began in 1940s and the first consignment of
iron ore exported to Japan in 1948 to begin the economic recovery of
that war-torn country. It was entirely manual mining then till the
decade of 1970s when the mining sector in Goa began to be mechanized.
With manual mining it was not possible to dig deep into ground for
iron ore, manganese and bauxite and disrupt ground water flow.
Mechanized mining made this possible in effectively in 1980s. Mining
has never been nationalized in Goa and it remained entirely a private
sector even in the rest of the country mining sector was nationalized.

Natural economies prior to entry of mining refer to direct dependence
of people for livelihood on nature. The contacts were more direct
without any kind of mediation. Their labour was the only mediation. It
is labour that was required for the cultivation of paddy and harvest
bumper crops. It was labour that was required in order to get their
daily quota of fish. It was labour that was required in order to
cultivate various types of vegetable in the and available with
abundant supply water from natural sources. It was labour that was
required for the people in mining belt to carry on their slash and
burn agriculture –shifting agriculture - on top of hills. It was
labour that was needed in order to collect various kinds of ripe
fruits on the variety of trees in the forest. It was labour that was
required in order to go in search of edible roots for their staple
food. It was labour that was invested into going into the forest and
collecting various forest products and then to transform them into
various products for daily use such as brooms, mats, medicines etc.
The large number of people in Goa’s mining belt are tribals for whom
the barter economy – including exchange of labour for labour was a
most respected norm in the functioning of their life and economy that
was harmoniously integrated with ecology.

Feudal economies that emerged in Goa during Portuguese colonial regime
chiefly due to the focus on written record keeping procedures adopted
by the colonial state. The people – tribal as well as others for whom
written record keeping by the State was alien concept did not
understand the state insistence of piece of paper a indication of land
ownership. A class of people that helped to sustain the colonial power
of Portuguese in Goa were able to understand this and colonial power
bestowed the legal ownerships of land titles on these category of
people. These people were tiny minority in collusion with Portuguese
colonial State at best can be described as the class of people that
practiced usury. These class of people came to be known as Landlords
in feudal sense.

The mass of people in mining had community sense of land ownerships.
Their land control was bestowed in communities. These community land
ownership patterns were disrupted by the colonial State and never
repaired by post-colonial state in Goa. Few remaining community land
ownership institutions were taken over on landlord class and they were
given new name called communidades. The people who traditionally
enjoyed rights over these lands were excluded from the land titles.
This effectively paved way for the legal establishment of control over
community lands that later on would be parceled out for mining
companies. Section of community land belonged to the community
temples. These temples too were brought under legal control of the
upper caste landlord class through Mazania law in Post liberation Goa.
These set of State driven class controlled legal architecture put firm
foundation for the effective legal uprooting of the people from their
lands even though in large parts of Goa they continued to enjoy actual
possession of the land.

Mining leases granted during the Portuguese colonial regimes fits into
this complex legal context of alienating people from their lands.
Mining leases numbering around 791 and covering over 67,700 hectares
of land in 10 out of total 11 talukas of Goa. Indian government did
not embark upon any radical overturn of the Colonial architecture
prevalent in the State of Goa. In fact it re-enforced it through
various laws in post Liberation Goa; one of the chief ways being, it
legally legitimized the mining leases.

Process of impoverishment thus has been triggered off with the above
legal manipulations. Legally thus the entire people of Goa except the
landlord class remained under constant uncertainty, not knowing as to
when the actual disenfranchisement of actual possession would take
place. Legal the law is now against the people in mining belt. Mining
leases enjoyed supra power and legitimacy especially from the State
agencies such as the Police, Executive, governments and Judiciary.
Legal alienation cleared the path for greater and horror field
alienation – ecological alienation. Goa State from its very inception
in 1961 remained under firm control of the mining companies. Its first
two chief ministers were mine owners themselves for two decades.

When the mining begins

Mining is one type of activity wherein the end of entire
decentralization in governance becomes imperative. The nature of
mining is militaristic. It does not tolerate any dissent. It needs all
pervasive power over land, minerals under the land, and power of
public opinion. It needs to find its ways to aggressively extract the
minerals and ship it out towards Japan, China, Europe, US and other
countries too. Social engineering is embarked upon in very powerful
manner through iron control over the State, media, intellectuals and
public organizations. Dissent is put down with powerful impetus. The
benefit it derives from these de-humanizing tendencies are that it is
able to service the demands in the Global Political Economy for
minerals. Locally it is able to create handful of economic elites and
strengthen them further through economies of scale. This is a most
certain way towards creating inequality and repressive disharmony
leading towards poverty of mass of the people at the source
destination of the mineral extraction. In fact this has been the exact
way as to how things have unfolded in Goa.

Protests against the starting of mining have been put down with Police
force. Sometimes it has been done through lure of money and alcohol.
The farmers are lured into the benefits of accepting compensation for
the loss of their land. If they do not agree then they are implicated
in some false criminal cases are forced on to compromise table.
Whichever is the way of ‘sorting’ out the protestors the outcome is
common the person, families, and communities are violently forced to
cut their links with soil and land.

They cease to be cultivators. Poverty downs on to their lives and
consequences are unpredictable. There are number of villages wherein
this has been the reality in Goa. Pissurlem village in North Goa’s
Sattari taluka is a classic village to study the mining aggression and
poverty of people. This village has been most flourishing village in
agriculture. It was blessed with abundant greenery, forest cover,
natural water springs, paddy fields and of course the hard working
people. The village has been topmost producers of paddy in the entire
taluka of Sattari. All this changed dramatically. Not only coming of
miming has forced the people of mining to stop paddy cultivation, it
has also displaced the village twice and third displacement in
Dhatwada region is on cards. There are nearly seven mines functioning
in the area of various mining companies such as Sesa Goa – owned by
British Corporate Vedanta, Fomentos, Salgaocar, Chowgules etc. The
mountains have been razed down totally. These were once dense western
ghats forest areas. The silt from the mining areas has washed away
into the paddy fields and rendered the redundant. Protests of
villagers to remove the mining silt have been put off totally both by
the mining companies as well by the State. The natural springs that
were supplying water to the paddy fields have dried up as the mining
pits have gone deep underground and ground water remained terribly
disrupted. This has deprived the villagers of steady supply of food
for their living. It has also deprived them of steady supply of water
to take bath, cooking and drinking. The village is entirely dependent
upon the mining companies to meet their daily needs for water. Mining
companies has commissioned tankers to supply daily water into the
plastic water tanks placed outside the houses of the people. There is
direct deprivation of cultivation of paddy thereby creating situation
of food security. There is also creation of dependence on mining
companies for water. So far only air in the village is not supplied by
mining companies. But here too, lager number of lung diseases reported
at the local government health centre at Valpoi such as Tuberculosis
are from Pissurlem. The co-relation is not difficult to arrive at.
Polluted air with dust particles from mining activity including
transportation of ore in trucks causes air pollution.

But can one take this as indicators of poverty? Poverty is relative
concept. If one has to judge it from the point of view of access to
water and land then it is poverty for sure. But hold on. Here is
description of my last visit to Pissurlem few months ago. One striking
feature is a visible presence of cars in front of number of houses in
Pissurlem. Another feature is prevalence of mining trucks in front of
houses. Investigations reveal that large number of people in Pissurlem
have opted to buy trucks and get into mining transportation trade due
to close down of agriculture option. Some families have earned money
to buy cars afford a life in comfort. How one does judges this? Mining
companies are also supplying with monthly doles to families in
Pissurlem as a trade off for silence of the Villagers. So people have
got into the habit of accepting the monthly doles and become
insensitive to the collective ruin of the habitat and life support
systems. New mining leases in the meanwhile continue to get activated.
Few years ago this village has suffered massive floods due to mining
activities. Mining silt that got deposited in inside the people’s
houses was over one meter thick.

The village of Sirgao in Bicholim stands out in this context. The
number of people in the village that are challenging the three
operating mines in their village – Dempos that is taken over by
British corporate Vedanta, Chowgules, and Bandekars. They filed public
interest litigation in Goa bench of Bombay High Court in June 2008.
The court directed Nagpur based National Environment Engineering
Institute (NEERI) to conduct scientific study. NEERI submitted its
study in March 2009 confirming that mining activity has caused
depletion of ground water in the village causing drying up of village
wells and springs. It also confirmed that large amount of deposition
of mining silt has taken place in the agricultural fields of the
village and paddy cultivation has not been possible. NEERI submitted
the plan to rejuvenate the water sources and remove mining silt from
paddy fields at the cost of approximately 1.8 lakhs per hectare. The
total amount that mining companies would have to pay to NEERI to
restore Sirgao’s agriculture and recharge groundwater is Rs. 660.25
lakhs. What is the story of Sirgao that is proved scientifically is
the story of every village under mining in Goa. Water and Food
security of Goa is deeply threatened.

Colamb is another village in South Goa’s Sanguem taluka that is
currently battling mining industry. The number of mining leases are 23
that are covering large area of Colamb village. The village has total
areas of 1929 hectares and mining leases covers 1510 hectares of land.
The mining leases cover places of habitat, forest, natural water
bodies, paddy fields and everything else on the surface of the
village. Already in the past 10 years couple of mines that are
operating in the village has destroyed considerable amount of
agriculture. Alcoholism has increased many folds in the mining belt
with increased problems of alienation amongst both the locals as well
as migrants. Destruction of agriculture and forest and everything else
becomes a priority for the mining companies to carry on advancing into
the newer territories. Large variety of vegetables that people –
mostly tribals cultivated has vanished as the cultivation spaces has
been occupied by mining companies. The local river named Kushavati –
tributori of Zuari river - began to dry three years ago in the month
of May. This year State government has constructed check dams on
Kushavati river. But this is not the solution. Stagnant water do not
support any fish that used to be available in the river for the local
people to eat. Now there is no fish. The huge trees on the banks of
Kushavati rivers are affected with stagnant water and as a result
trees – according to local people’s wisdom – are dying. So it is
double problem of mining as well as the problem of river being
artificially flooded. Both of these are dangerous downslides as far as
standard of people in the locality are concerned.

The above are only few glimpses of the deeply deteriorating situation
due to mining industry in Goa. Only handful of people are financially
benefiting from the trade. The people in the Goa’s mining belt are
directly affected negatively. The industry is making people poorer by
the day. Financially due to trucks banks are benefiting, while the
people are loosing their land, water, agriculture, rivers and forest.
They are loosing this forever. Goa is loosing this forever. Mining
actively causes poverty in Goa. Its consequences are going to be
unpredictable and severe for the entire society.

Mining in Goa: testimonies

Dinanath Gaonkar, Sirgao

Mining has been going on in our village for over 45 years. When I was
young all these mining pits today were dense forest. In the forest we
used to go around and pick our wild fruits, medicines and even we had
our play ground on a small patch. All this has changed now. Mining
companies – three of them has come about in our village of Sirgao and
carried on mining excavation work. This has resulted in large scale
changes of our village. Few people got employment into the mines. And
large number of villagers was involved in cultivation of agriculture.
The changes that unfolded over the period of time has shocked us and
pushed the entire village into the state of ecological refugees. Our
forest is completely disappeared – chopped down by mining companies.
Our play ground id not traceable at all. In their place there are huge
mining pits.

The mining in the mountains has led to the washing of Ore into the low
lying paddy fields and over the last few years our agriculture has
come to the grinding halt. Our paddy fields has lost fertility and are
silted with run offs from the mining companies. What are we to eat?
Where are we to cultivate? How are we to live?

Presently we live like worms in our village. Not only our paddy fields
are silted but also our village springs and wells have gone dry
because of mining. The ore extraction inside the pits has gone so low
that the mining companies are continuously involved in pumping out of
ground water with high powered water pumps. The underground flow has
changed its course towards the mining pits. This has left all the
village springs and wells dry.

Some people in the village has benefited as they operate mining
trucks. But the long term interest of our village is terribly
compromised and gradually it is becoming unbearable to stay in the
village. Our ancestors came and settled here chiefly because there was
plenty of water available here. But all that has changed now. Water in
the village is becoming scarce day by day. Our village has changed
from once prosperous towards poverty due to open cast iron ore mining.

Our future generations can no longer hope to live in this village if
the mining goes on the way it going currently. When our villagers
objected for the transportation of Ore from the land legally owned by
us police came and arrested my fellow villagers. How are we to survive
this onslaught? Our demand it to create Sirgao village free from
mining.

Motesh Antao, Colomba

I am from Colomba village in Sanguem taluka. My family directly
affected due to open cast iron mining activities carried on at the
neighboring mine. Our agriculture is getting ruined as the siltation
and water shortages have resulted in reduced production of rice. This
is a case with many farmers in Colomba. Our traditional water ways has
been chocked with silt that got washed with rains and got accumulated
inside the water ways. This has also affected our daily schedules of
life in Peace and harmony.

Mining is being carried on inside forest areas. We are involved in
protesting against the mining industry in our village because it is
deriving towards poverty. I as well as my fellow villagers are facing
constant threats from the mining companies as well from the State
Police force. I have been arrested due to my protests against mining
nearly 8 times during past two years. My brothers as well as my
parents too have been arrested and number of criminal cases are filed.
Now I have to make regular trips to the Court of law in Quepem and
Sanguem.

Police officers on two occasions beat me up at the Police station
after calling me to the police station to collect information that I
had asked under Right to Information Act involving details of assets
of Police officers and their involvement in mining transportation.

There are all together 23 mining leases in my village of Colomba. Out
of which four are in operation currently. Another 4 are going for
Public hearing next month in March 2010. Our entire village is full
greenery in the form of Forest and Paddy fields. The places where
mines have started however are no longer green. The extraction of ore
has changed colour. Health of our villagers is deteriorating. Mining
has generated tensions and few people are getting affected with hearth
attacks that were unheard of till few years ago.

Our roads have become very dangerous to walk and drive on. There are
large number of truck carrying mining ore ply regularly creating
dangerous situation of the roads. Accidents are regular phenomena and
every now and then there are victims of accidents and some even
deaths.

How do I make my living in this situation? How does my fellow
villagers to make living when mining is doing away with our soil, our
paddy fields, our water sources, our forest and our dignity? How are
we to survive? I feel we can live peacefully and prosperously in the
village only when mining is stopped completely.

Sharmila Naik, Advalpal

My village of Advalpal is depended upon agriculture. It is also the
village with forest and hills. It is located in Bicholim taluka. In
our village there used to be mining in manual form nearly 40 years
ago. The there was accident on the mine and few people had died. Then
mines were stopped. However four years ago mines started again. This
time it was mechanized mining. Few companies came to our village,
offered money to the villagers and mines got started. However after
one year we realized how dangerous this mining was we started opposing
the mines. The mines has created very dangerous situation for my
village of Advalpal. Mines disrupted traditional water flow in the
village and our crop got flooded at the time of harvest. The mine
buried existing water lakes with mining silt. Further mining even dug
our crematorium space where our village used to cremate the dead of
our village.

Now the situation is bad as the traditional water bodies are dried up
due to mining. Natural springs of our village used to supply water to
drink for our villagers. Women folks also used gather together for the
washing of clothes at the springs. All this is now gone with drying up
of springs.

In June last year due to mining our village got flooded. Mining silt
was deposited into the houses of the people. It was very traumatic
moment for my family and villagers. Few houses got badly hit by the
floods.

Mining has also destroyed cashew crops and there are very few spaces
left for us to carry on with our cashew cultivation. We used to get
bumper crops every year but for the past few years not only the yield
has deteriorated but also the places where cashew trees existed has
been used for mining purposes. The large lake space that was used for
the purpose of bathing of cattle has been buried deliberately by the
mining company. Our cattle has no place to take bath now and mining
has led to disruption of agriculture of our village.

The lease boundary of the mining company extends to the middle of the
village main road. There are three mining leases that are in operation
here. One mining lease is currently stopped due to High Court order to
remove the silt that mining company has deposited in the village.
Mining company has not adhered to the High Court Order so far for the
past 4 months.

Now my family is forced to move out of Advalpal as there are no
sources of living left in the village. Number of other families too
facing similar situations. Where are we to look for our survival in
the context of mining?

In May 2008 there was a major revolt in our village against mining. We
marched on the mine site and stopped the work by force. Then we got
together and protested outside the office of Deputy Collector,
Bicholim for one week. Number of police cases are filed against us.
Nearly 70 people have to attend the court hearings regularly at
Bicholim Court. Mining companies got police protection and carried on
their operations.

Few people of our village who own trucks benefit from the mining
industry. The rest of us get no benefit at all. In fact our village is
losing terribly and I feel mining has to stop once and for all.

Posted by MAND at 2/18/2010 11:54:00 PM 0 comments Links to this
post
Labels: Advalpal, Colamb, Mining, Poverty, Research, Sirgao
Thursday, December 10, 2009

Goa Police as the State Agency of Repression in Goa’s mining belt:
2007-2009
By Sebastian Rodrigues

Abstract

Of late there has been intense resistance to open cast iron ore,
bauxite and manganese mines in Goa. Often branded as ‘backbone of
Goa’s economy’ mining industry has been at the receiving end of public
criticism for transforming itself as ‘rogue industry’ causing enormous
harm to the ecology, agriculture, water sources, as well as traffic
congestion, air pollution, sound pollution, and large scale sicknesses
caused due to air pollution, water pollution and entry of migrant
labour.

While the village groups in different parts of the State of Goa have
expressed problems caused due to the mining industry in legitimate
manners; within the ambit of the Constitution of India, State-
Corporate nexus have responded to these concerns with repression. Goa
Police has been its most preferred agency of repression over the past
few years. This papers documents and analyzes the behavior of Goa
Police in Goa’s mining belt from 2007 to 2009 – the period that has
witnessed heightened resistance.

Amongst the methods of intimidation followed by Goa Police includes
visits by secret police known as CID (Criminal Investigation
Department) to the houses of villagers, calling up at odd hours in the
night, verbal threats, physical violence while in custody, non-
interference while protestors are attacked by mining truck owners,
humiliation tactics by putting slate around the neck and
photographing, filing of false cases, filing of charge sheets further
the proceedings in judicial courts, threatening to ban entry into the
mining villages by imposing Tadi Par, confiscating the buses used for
traveling for protest marches, confiscating and tearing down of
posters with slogans against mining companies, monitoring movements of
villagers protesting mining industry, tapping of telephones of people
opposed to mining industry, indulging in physical violence in the form
of Lathi Charge against the villagers protesting mining industry,
filing of criminal cases against the lawyers defending villagers
opposing mining industry, refusing or ignoring complaints filed by
villagers against officials of mining companies, and investigating the
opponents of mining industry as ‘Naxalites’.

The paper problemitizes the role of state funded Police force and
questions the partial and partisan role played Goa Police that is
unbecoming of public servants and suggests ways to change behavior
pattern of Goa Police as protector of ‘public’ interest and not the
interest of the mining companies.

I. Introduction

Open cast mining industry dealing with Iron Ore, Manganese and Bauxite
has its prevalence in Goa since 1948 when 100 tonnes of Iron Ore was
exported to Japan for the first time, from the times under Portuguese
Colonial rule. The industry is basically dig and sell economy located
in around 68,000 hectares of land fragmented into 791 mining leases
granted during Portuguese colonial regime. Open cast mining of this
major industry is principally for export purpose to various countries
of the World with Japan being the prominent destination since 1948. In
fact Goa’s Ore played major role in resurgence of Japan after being
reduced to ashes during the World War II that culminated in dropping
of Atom bombs by Americans on Japanese cities of Hiroshima and
Nagasaki in August 1945. However China overtook Japan as a leading
destination of Goa’s mineral exports during past few years. In fact
during 2008-2009 Goan exports of ore to China constituted 86%
(32,763,721 tonnes) while next to follow is Japan with 9% (3,557,775
tonnes). Europe (Italy, Netherlands and Rumania) got 2% of Goa’s iron
ore exports (680,513 tonnes), South Korea got 1% of Exports (545,228
tonnes), Pakistan got 1% of exports (258,029 tonnes), and Middle East
(Qatar, Kuwait, Dubai and Saudi Arabia) got 1% (231,457 tonnes).
African nation Kenya got fraction of it too - 38,500 tonnes.

According to the selected statistics (Amended upto March 31, 2009) on
Goan Mineral Ore Exports Compiled by Goa Mineral Ore Exporters’
Association Goa’s exports particularly of Iron Ore has been increasing
at rapid pace. During 2005-2006 it was 25,537,924 tonnes, In 2006-2007
it rose to 30,893,953 tonnes. In 2007-2008 it increased to 33,434,429
tonnes. In 2008-2009 exports jumped to 38,075,223 tonnes out of which
32,629,521 tonnes is to China alone.

Mining companies involved in Goan Iron Ore exports during 2008-2009
includes miners, transporters and real estate companies. The list is
as follows: Sesa Goa Limited, V.S. Dempo & Company Pvt. Ltd.,
Sociedade de Fomento Indl. P. Ltd., Prime Mineral Exports Pvt. Ltd.,
Fomento (Karnataka) Mining Co. P. Ltd., V.M. Salgaoncar & Bro. Pvt.
Ltd., V.M. Salgaoncar Sales International, Chowgule & Company Pvt.
Limited, Chowgule & Co. (Salt) Pvt. Ltd., Chowgule & Co. Pvt. Ltd.
(Mandovi Pellets), Salgaoncar Mining Industries P. Ltd., Timblo
Private Limited, Timblo Enterprises, Damodar Mangalji & Co. Ltd.,
Bandekar Brothers, V.G. Mehta Exports, Vassaantram Mehta & Co. Pvt.
Ltd., Venture Resource Holdings., Venture Real Estate, PEC Limited,
Karishma Exports, Karishma Goa Mineral Trading, Rajaram Bandekar (s)
Mines P. Ltd., Rajaram N.S. Bandekar & Co. P. Ltd., Narayan Bandekar &
Sons Pvt. Ltd., On & Offshore Hitech Engineers P. Ltd., Trimuthi
Exports, D.B. Bandodkar & Sons Pvt. Ltd., Shree Bhavani Minerals,
Minescape Minerals Pvt. Ltd., Prasanna V. Ghotge, Star PVG Exports,
Sri Krishna Enterprises, Gangadhar Narsingdas Agrawal, Fulchand
Exports, Baggadia Brothers, Shree Mallikarjun Shipping, Alphine
International, MSPL Limited, Ramakanta V. S. Velingkar, Ramakanta
Velingkar Minerals, Magnum Minerals Pvt. Ltd., Rika Global Impex Ltd.,
Muktar Pvt. Ltd., Canara Overseas Limited, Shantadurga Transport Co.
P. Ltd., and Adani Enterprises Limited. All these companies has
exported Goan Iron Ore to China without any exception. These are the
beneficiaries of the Goa’s dig and sell economy to which this trade is
the backbone of their economies fetching unimaginable financial
rewards without being in any affecting with global depression.

Sesa Goa limited – owned by British corporate Vedanta that is listed
on London stock exchange and funded by large number of banks and
shareholders world over - has topped the list of exporters with total
of 10,345,020 tonnes of export of Iron Ore. Out this 8,977,723 tonnes
exported to China, 631,186 tonnes exported to Japan, 212,378 tonnes to
South Korea, 265,704 to Europe, and 258,029 tonnes to Pakistan. The
company – V.S. Dempo & Company Pvt. Ltd – that Vedanta purchased in
June 2009 with all its mining interests in Goa exported total of
4,347,543 tonnes of iron ore to China (3,882,550 tonnes) and Japan
(464,993 tonnes). Vedanta’s target of exports for 2009-2010 is
whopping 50,000,000 tonnes from its mines in Goa alone. This is larger
than last year’s (2008-2009) combined total of all the mining
companies export from Goa of 38,075,223 tonnes of iron ore. For
Vedanta Goa is a Sunshine State! With this known target of one mining
company alone destruction of Goa’s ecology and People’s livelihood is
guaranteed.

Audoot Timblo who filed defamation suit of Rs.500 crore against the
author of this paper – Sebastian Rodrigues - at Calcutta High Court in
December 2008 citing that his writings at GAKUVED blog www.mandgoa.blogspot.com
has caused loss of business and existence of Fomento group is in
danger if his writings continues has three mining companies in his
kitty. The first one is Sociedade de Fomento Indl P. ltd that exported
2,348,970 tonnes to China (3,882,550 tonnes), Japan (453,005 tonnes)
and Europe (339,330 tonnes). The second one is Prime Mineral Exports
Pvt. Ltd. That exported 1,644,432 tonnes of Iron Ore to China. The
third one is Fomento (Karnataka) Mining Co. P. Ltd that sent 119,964
of Goan ore to China. This way there are 50 agencies that are engaged
in export of Goa’s Iron Ore. Their names are already cited above.

In order to sustain this exports tirade Goa’s hinterlands has been at
the brutal receiving ends. Its Forest and agriculture in large number
of villages where open cast mining activity is undertaken has been a
huge casualty thereby causing crisis of food security for humans and
animals alike. Goa’s ground water flow has been drastically changed
due to deep mining pits in number of locations thereby leaving village
wells, natural lakes, springs, ponds and rivulets dry. Water
dependency has developed in the Goa’s mining belt. Number of people
has become victims of dangerous Public Health Crisis in the Goa’s
mining belt that is yet to be thoroughly investigated. Large number of
people of Pissurlem and Keri – in Sattari are suffering from number
lung diseases including tuberculosis. While People in and around
Rivona in Sanguem suffer from Chicken Gunia almost in epidemic form
few months ago in September – October 2009.

Number of voices has cropped up recently highlighting that all is not
well with open cast mining industry in Goa and in fact it is rapidly
destroying not only the backbone of the local people’s economy i.e.
agriculture, but also causing irreversible ecological changes with
long term unforeseen consequences. Due to inherent rush of the China
boom and lure of foreign currency mining companies are in competition
with each other to transform Goa into a desert – all of them working
at breath neck speed. This is duly facilitated by mechanized nature of
the mining industry with latest sophisticated machinery waging a war
against nature and humanity in Goa. Communities has been lured into
alcoholism and cleverly fragmented into factions causing frequent
strife so that the will of the mining industry prevails.

In spite of all this however there are some village people in Goa
including its tribal people has demonstrated stiff and organized
resistance to this marauding open cast mining industry. At State level
Gawda, Kunbi, Velip and Dangar Federation (GAKUVED) has lend its voice
to the struggle against Goa’s mining plunder since 2007. Number of
other organizations such as Nature Environment Society and
Transformations (NEST), Goa Foundation, Ganv Ghor Rakhon Manch (GGRM)
and Goa Bachao Abhiyan (GBA) has also collaborated with village people
resisting mining in various villages of Goa in various ways and
varying intensities. Goa Federation of Mines Affected People has
evolved as a network of mining affected people in Goa since August
2008.

II. Documenting Police Repression

The response of the State to these protests has been to deploy State
police – Goa Police – to carry on series of repressive measures
against those people involved in the active resistance against the
mining industry. Number of people arrested and criminally charged.
Police force is deployed to protect the mining industry and to
demoralize the resisting people in various manner. Below is a list of
Police interventions and strategic non-interventions to achieve this
objective. The below documentation is based on regular spot recorded
entries at www.mandgoa.blogspot.com – blog of Mand – An Adivasi-rights
Resource Centre, an Initiative of Gawda, Kunbi, Velip and Dhangar
Federation (GAKUVED) - after being reported by the villagers and
sometimes newspapers.

November 20, 2007
Colomba, Sanguem
A group of 8 Policemen came in plain clothes at 6 pm and began
threatening the villagers. They were searching Agnelo D'Souza, one of
the villagers in forefront of protest against mining threatening to
gobble up Colamb village. He had protested overwhelmingly during
November 18 2007 gram Sabha of the Rivona village panchayat and sought
resolution seeking to ban further mining activity in Colamb.

January 21, 2008
Colomba, Sanguem
Police Inspector Mhamel of Quepem Police station over the phone
threatened Rama Velip that if the villagers continue to march on the
Fomento mines then he will arrest all the villagers.

January 23, 2008
Colomba, Sanguem
Goa Police protection provided to Fomento mine in Colomba, Sanguem.

February 08, 2008
Colomba, Sanguem
ASI P.V. Desai attached to Quepem police station kicked one of the
Colomba villagers – Agnelo Dias. The police jeep which was following
the truck one of the police by name ASI P.V.Dessai got down from the
jeep caught hold the top portion of shirt of the youth shirt pulled
him and then assaulted him with shoes one his private parts and then
pulled him into the police jeep.

February 09, 2008
Colomba, Sanguem
40 Police personnel deputed to protect Fomento mine in Colamb.

February 11, 2008
Colomba, Sanguem

Police Protection to Fomento Mine
March 11, 2008
Colomba, Sanguem

Police protection to Fomento Mine.
March 25, 2008
Colomba, Sanguem

24 villagers including women arrested while blocking transportation of
Iron Ore from Fomento Mine. Police beat up villagers and snatched
earrings of one woman. 16 male constables and 6 lady constables
engaged to arrest 16 Women and 5 men. Women were picked up by male
constables – manhandled with some women complaining missing of their
gold ornaments on their bodies during the scuffle with the police on
the mining site.

April 12, 2008
Margao, Salcete
South Goa Collector Gokuldas Naik threatened Colomba villagers of
deploying police force to protect Fomentos to transport Ore from the
company’s Colomba mine. Collector issued this warning when a group of
Colomba villagers called on him at his Margao office.

April 22, 2008
Quepem Police Station, Quepem
Fomento Manager Atul Makode Manager of Hiralal and Khodidas mine
Colomba has on 22/4/2008 filed a false and distorted complaint before
the Quepem police against 18 villagers of Colomba villagers. The
complaint has been filed under section 143(punishment for forming an
unlawful assembly) , 147( punishment for rioting) , 447(Punishment for
criminal trespass) , 341 (Punishment for wrongful restraint) , 506(2)
(punishment for criminal intimidation) , 425 (Mischief ) ,
427( Mischief) , read with section 149 (Liable for prosecution of
common object). All the sections applied are of Indian Penal Code,
1860 – another colonial law, this time by British applied upheld the
mining trade in Goa started during Portuguese colonial rule. There can
be no greater evidence that Goa is de facto living in Colonial regime
of State in India. The villagers have revolted not just against mining
by against Colonial system in operation benefiting few elites in Goa,
India and abroad. The 18 villagers against whom the complaint has been
filed includes 1.Premdas Velip, 2.Alcina Dias, 3. Agnelo D’Souza, 4.
Caetan Barreto, 5. Egyps D’Souza, 6. Tilu Dias, 7. Vincent Dias, 8.
Palmira Dias, 9. Dumena D’Souza,10. Bhagrati Velip, 11. Shanta Velip,
12. Kalawati Velip, 13. Chandrakant Gaonkar, 14. Vithabai Velip, 15.
Concy Antao, 16. Kalidas Naik, 17. Surya Gaonkar, 18.Gavnekar

May 21, 2008
Nuem, Khola, Canacona
Dempo Mine: contractor Gangesh Molu Dessai, landed at the site with
around 40 police personal from Cuncolim, Margao, Maina Curtorim and
Colva. IRB who were headed by Cuncolim P.I. Sidhant Shirodkar and
Colva P.I. Edwin Colaco. The Canacona Execuitive Magistrate Shri
Valvoikar made his presence over there. The police started clearing
the obstruction which was there on the way leading to the mine. The
police were stationed at the site till 4.00 pm face to face with
protesting people.

May 19, 2008
Advalpal, Bicholim
Criminal cases registered against 70 villagers at the behest of
Fomento mining company. Fomento mining company had filed police cases
against following 12 Advalpal villagers Shyamsunder Naik, Sharmila
Naik, Kishore Naik, Kashinath Gad, Vijay Pundloskar, Ganesh Naik, Babi
Gaonkar, Suresh Gad, Shrikant Gaonkar, Manguesh Gad, Amar Shetye and
Pradip Gaonkar. The cases were registered under following sections of
the Indian Penal Code (IPC): 143, 144, 147, 148, 323, 427, 341, 506
and 149.

Out of these 4 people were arrested namely, Shyamsunder Naik, Sharmila
Naik, Kishore Naik and Kashinath Gad. Fomentos are operating Litho
Ferro mining lease in Advalpal

May 20, 2008
Advalpal, Bicholim
Police Protection provided to Fomento mine.

May 21, 2008
Advalpal, Bicholim
Sheetal Thanekar, Surekha Santosh Gaonkar and 17 year old Sandesh
Vithal Gaonkar was beaten by Sesa Goa goons at around 3.00 pm. Police
case registered. Police are yet to make any arrests so far.

June 04, 2008
Porvorim, Bardez
Advalpal villagers stopped on their way to Panjim to celebrate World
Environment Day and demonstration in front of Sesa Ghor. Their bus
taken away to Panjim Police station from Porvorim under the pretext
that Police had a secret information that the protestors are going to
block the Mandovi bridge and paralyze the traffic! Police force in
riot gears were deployed to guard the protestors after they got off
the bus in Porvorim. This police followed the protestors to Panjim
when they got back their bus and staged demonstration in from of Sesa
Ghor – the headquarters of Sesa Goa mining company owned by British
Corporate - Vedanta.

June 05, 2008
Colomba, Sanguem
Heavy police security in police arrangement as villagers celebrated
World Environment Day

June 19, 2008
Goa Legislative Assembly, Porvorim

Leader of the opposition Manohar Parrikar at ad-hoc committee named
the author of this paper – Sebastian Rodrigues – as naxalite operating
with his team from Jharkhand in Colomba, Quepem. Top officer of Goa
Police present at the meeting agreed with Mr. Parrikar’s assertion.
Goa Police however came out with official statement denying presence
of Naxalites in the State of Goa.

June 24, 2008
Quepem Police Sation, Quepem

Quepem Police Inspector Santosh S. Dessai took a written statement
from Colomba’s Rama Velip on naxalite issue. Extracts: “…I say that I
know one Sebastiao Rodrigues r/o Siolim Mapusa since last 05 years
from the year 2003. The said Sebastiao Rodrigues use to visit our home
at Colomba alongwith br. Philip of Don Bosco, Sulcorna and Venkatesh
Prabhudessai of Colomba – Kevona. The said Sebastiao use to move along
with brother Philip Neri D’Souza.

I say that whenever there was a meeting in our village regarding
mining issue and other environmental or land issue he use to visit our
village. Most of the time said Venkatesh Prabhudessai and also Br.
Philip use to attend the said meeting of “GAKUVED” and use to take
photographs and was doing videography also. Mostly he use to do work
on the internet…”

October 11, 2008
Maina, Quepem
Eight protestors were beaten up by goons of the mining industry in the
presence of police personnel headed by PI Santos S. Dessai and
protestors arrested and sent to jail. 85 year old Dora de Souza too
was arrested while she with a group of protestors chained herself on
the road carrying iron ore away from the mine. She along with other 3
women were sent to Aguada Jail. Zilla Parishad member Subhas
Phaldessai led the attack on protestors at Dinar Tarcar Mine. PI
Santos Desai remained passive observer during this time. Priest
Mathias D’Cunha sdb, Filmmaker Kurush Canteenwalah and Sebastian
Rodrigues too was beaten up and taken into police custody. Quepem
Police team led by PI Santos S. Dessai remained mere spectator as the
mining goons were beating up the protestors

October 15, 2008
Maina, Quepem.
Police protection to Fomento mine T.C. 06/1949.

November 13, 2008
Colomba, Sanguem
Police night patrolling in the village with three police Jeeps began.
Police night patrolling continued for three weeks.

November 12, 2008
Colomba, Sanguem
86 protestors on Fomento mine T.C.No. 06/1946 were arrested and later
released on bail. Fr. Mathias D’Cunha sdb from Sulcorna was abused and
by some unruly elements defending Fomentos. He has lodged police
complaint. Police took no action. PI Santos S. Dessai was present on
the site. At the police station placards of Colomba villagers were
confiscated and torn apart under the oral instructions from PI Santos
S. Dessai. Police also destroyed people’s food while effecting
arrests. Goa Armed Police van and two jeeps full of Police personnel
were put in action in defense of the Fomentos. One lady constable
bearing badge number 6769 assaulted Colamb female protestor Dument
D’Souza just before the arrests in the afternoon in presence of
mamlatdar. Similarly Fomento security staff and truck drivers beat up
two protestors Shamsunder Naik, Durgadas Gaonkar and Gajanand Raikar
causing minor injuries to them. Former editor of Goamtak times Sujoy
Gupta who joined Fomento mining company as its vice president directed
the security staff to identify the targets for violence from the
mining company’s office on Hiralal Khodidas mine at Colomba on this
day.

November 17, 2008
Quepem Police Station, Quepem, Goa
7 villagers from Colomba, Sanguem protesting against mining invasion
of their village were arrested in fabricated criminal case filed by
Fomento mining company supporter Surya Naik. PI Santos S. Dessai began
arrests by taking Egyps D’Souza into Police custody while he was
moving around in Tilamol market. 8 arrested were later released on
bail. The villagers are Motesh Antao, Egyps D'Souza, Dument D'Souza,
Shanto Velip, Rama Velip, Telu Dias and Xavier Fernandes. They were
punished with day long forced stay at Quepem Police station on the
next day - November 18, 2008.

Novemeber 19, 2008
Quepem Police Station, Quepem, Goa
Warning of Tadi Par – Exile by Police – informally sent to Egyps
D’Souza by PI Santos S. Dessai. Egyps would be debarred from entering
South Goa jurisdiction, including his home in Quepem taluka once Tadi
Par in invoked on him.

November 22, 2008
Colomba, Sanguem
Police team visited village with intention to arrest young Tedoz Antao
based on the complaint filed against him by Fomento security
personnel.

November 27, 2008
Ambaulim, Quepem
Police in riot gear clashed on streets when Ambaulim villagers who
blocked Iron Ore transport of Dinar Tarcar and Fomentos due to over
loading and dust pollution.

November 29, 2008
Colomba, Sanguem
Police Protection provided to Fomento Manager en route to Quepem
Police Station to file complaint against villagers after they forced
stopped the mining transportation.

December 01, 2008
Colomba, Sanguem
Police protection provided to Fomentos to transport Iron Ore at
Hiralal Khodidas mine

(T.C. No. 06/1949).
December 04, 2008
Quepem Police Station, Quepem
Colomba villagers warned of Tadi Par. Served 4 days deadline by PI
Santosh Desai to end agitation against Fomento mining company and
accept sustainable mining. According to PI Santos S. Dessai if Colomba
villagers don’t listen then their agitation will be crushed with heavy
police force. Entire Police force from Goa will be mobilized to
unleash terror on Colamb villagers. Rama Velip, Salvador Dias, Telu
Dias, Xavier Fernandes, Purso Gaoncar, Arjun Velip, Chandrakant
Gaonkar and Surya Gaonkar witnessed PI Santosh Dessai telling them all
this in presence of two Fomento mining company officials.

December 13, 2008
Sanvordem, Sanguem

Stranger male moving around with photograph of youth from Colamb –
Tedoz Antao – approached Milagrine Antao and Dument D’souza while on
marketing visit to Sanvordem town. He told them that Quepem PI Santos
S. Dessai has commissioned him to catch the person on photograph and
hand over to him at Quepem Police Station. According to him this youth
protesting mining company’s onslaught on his village is involved in
Dacoities. Such a insidious defamatory propaganda! This questioning of
Colamb women in Sanvordem market by stranger on behalf of Quepem
Police was one more instance of desperate attempts by Goa Police-
Fomento nexus to spread terror and fear amongst common people
resisting mining industry by outsourcing its functions to private
agents.

December 17, 2008
Ambaulim, Quepem

Police violence – lathi charge – on peaceful demonstrators against
mining trucks creating air pollution and traffic hazards as all the
written petitions were not respected and acted upon by Digambar Kamat
government.. 7 villagers arrested (William Luis, Satulin Luis, Fatima
Fernandes, Franky Rebello, Glen Rebello, Diego Fernandes besides Anton
Jose Fernandes who was arrested from his home after the lathi charge.)
Police assault on lawyer John Fernandes and attempt to murder criminal
case under section 307 of Indian Penal Code filed against Advocate
Fernandes. Police Inspector Santosh S. Dessai alleged in local marathi
daily - Tarun Bharat issue of December 18, 2008 that Adv. John
attempted to murder policemen - ASI Arvind Nagekar - while lathi
charging the protestors against transportation of Iron Ore from the
road in their village causing enormous dust pollution and traffic
congestions. Wife of Advocate John Fernandes, Paulina Fernandes too
was criminally charged on this day for rioting and unlawful assembly.
Seven school children beaten by police violence, Franky Rebello was
hit on head by Police. Amongst other injured includes smt. Lourencina
Rebello (65), Andrew Fernandes, William Fernandes, John Fernandes,
Smt. Remij Fernandes (50) Francisco Fernandes, Monica Fernandes, Pobre
Fernandes and Soccor Fernandes. Quepem PI Santos S. Dessai and Deputy
collector Venancio Furtado denied lathi charge though it took place in
their presence; in fact administered by both of them – in reply under
RTI. This proved that Deputy collector present did not order the lathi
charge. South Goa Collector Gokuldas Naik justified it in interview to
Times of India of December 19, 2008 and Goa Police authority headed by
Justice Eurico Silva defended this lathi charge in his judgment. The
legality of this lathi charge is clearly a suspect.

January 06, 2009
Colamb, Sanguem

Police protection provided to Fomento mine in Colamb. It continued on
January 07, 2009.

January 15, 2009
Ambaulim, Quepem

Police launched search operation for two days – January 14 to January
15, 2009 to arrest Pobre Fernandes, an active person in resistance to
mining industry.

January 20, 2009
Cavrem, Quepem

Five tribal youth resisting mining company were arrested by Police at
Quepem Police Station. Their names are Satyendra Gaonkar, Ashish
Gaonkar, Sandesh Gaonkar, Ramesh Gaonkar, and Deepak Gaonkar. They
were arrested after mines manager Kulkarni at Nevgi mine - operated by
Dinar Tarcar - filed complaint against them on January 18, 2009.

33. February 01, 2009

Ambaulim, Quepem

Villager Franky Rebello’s house was visited by Quepem Police Constable
Mohan Dessai in the night and Franky’s wife and aged parents were
threatened with rendering Franky unemployed. Franky was not at home.
Mohan Desai was drunk when on his visit.

34. February 03, 2009

Colomba, Sanguem

Goa Police attached to Quepem Police station served the notice to
Tedoz Antao to

surrender before Quepem Police station within 17 hours in response to
criminal

case filed against him by Fomentos.

35. February 13, 2009

Colamb, Sanguem

Police visited the residence of Motes Antao, youth resisting mining
invasion of his

village of Colomba in Sanguem at 1.33 pm with intention to scare him
away.

36. March 20, 2009

Colamb, Sanguem

Motes Antao was whisked away by Police at 10.00 am from his truck in
Quepem and arrested over the charge of assault on Government Servant
based on the complaint filed by one Ganesh Velip on 29/1/2009 over the
incident taken place on 9/1/2009 the Quepem police booked Motes under
section 353,504 and 506 r/w. 34 of IPC for giving abusive words to a
court bailiff. Motes is one of the active voices of mining terrorism
in Goa and has been frequently targeted by the mining industry. This
time he was slapped on his face three times by policemen at Quepem
police station. First time he was slapped by a policeman in plain
clothes at Quepem Police Station and second and third time he was
slapped on face while being taken for medical examination at
government health centre in Curchorem. PI Devendra Gad was heading the
Police Station this time. In the bail application moved by said Motes
claimed that on the day of the alleged incident he was not yet all
present at the residence. He claimed that he has been falsely booked
at the instance of Fomento Mining Company whose summons the Court
bailiff had gone to serve to the villagers of Colomba. Goa Police
Complaint Authority headed by Justice Eurico Silva ruled in favour of
police this time too. Earlier it had done the same in case of Lathi
charge on villagers of Ambaulim, Quepem.

March 20, 2009
Colamb, Sanguem

On this same day brother of Motes Antao, Tedoz Antao too was arrested
– picked up by police while he was waiting for public transport bus at
Tilamol junction. He was criminally charged for restraining one
Yeshwant Salunke, security guard of Hiralal Khodidas mine (operated by
Fomentos in Colamb) on 13/9/2008 and was booked under section 341,
323, 427, 506(ii) r/w. 34 of IPC.

March 24-25, 2009
Cawrem, Quepem

There was alteration on March 24, 2009 in Cawrem village between two
anti - mining activists Alcine Dias and Egyps D'Souza on the one hand
and Rivona Panchayat member of Panchayat Ram Gaoncar who once upon a
time in 2003 was opponent mining operated by Radha Timblo belonging to
Badruddin Mavany mining lease but then surrendered himself and his
land to Timblos pressure tactics.

When the two men Alcine and Egyps went to the Police station to
register the complaint against Ram Gaoncar, Timblo mining company
Manager and another contractor of the Fomento mining company in Colamb
swung into action and pressurized the police to register the case
against Egyps D'Souza. A case was registered for assault and breach of
Public Peace against Egyps. Egyps was detained at the police station
for the full one night.

39. March 25, 2009

Quepem Police Station, Quepem

Rama Velip on visit to meet arrested Egyps D’souza at the Quepem
Police Station on March 25, 2009 afternoon he was arrested and forced
to accept bail and move out of the police station in one old case
pertaining to blockade of the mining transport near Fomento mine in
Colomba.

40. April 01, 2009

Colomba, Sanguem

Motesh Antao threatened by Quepem Police Inspector Devendra Gad of
booking under National Security Act (NSA) to continue harassment in
furtherance of numerous false cases filed by Fomento mining company
against him. PI Devendra Gad promised to use his police powers to
harass Motesh Antao to the last. Motesh was called to the police
station by serving call letter when he was awarded with this warning.

41. May 10, 2009

Sirgao, Bicholim

Suresh Babani Gaonkar and Dhruvanjay V. Harmalkar were arrested by
Bicholim Police Sub Inspector Terence Vaz and head constable Pradeep
Kubal for protesting against Chowgule mining company plying its mining
trucks through their property. They were picked by from Sirgao village
in North Goa at around 11.30 am without serving any call letters. The
arrests came 4 days after the famous Sirgao Zatra festival – in which
Goa Chief Minister Digambar Kamat participated – in the village with
scarce water due the giant mining companies sucking their water
sources dry.

Once taken into police custody they were put into police lock up. They
were not served any meals and were starved till they were bailed out
at around 5 pm on the same day.

42. May 20, 2009

Advalpal, Bicholim

Two villagers from Advalpal, Bicholim – Shamsunder Naik and Vijay
Pandluskar are arrested at Bicholim Police Station for protesting
against Sesa Goa mines on May 10, 2009 under section 151 of Indian
Penal Code – Disturbance of Public Peace! They were released from
Bicholim Police Lock up at night at 9.00 pm.

43. July 18, 2009

Colomba, Sanguem

For two weeks Rama Velip of Colamb village in Sanguem Taluka was
harassed by Goa's Secret Police - CID (Criminal Intelligence
Department). Secret police has been visiting the house of Rama Velip
and seeking to know about future plans of anti-mining movement. There
are phone calls made at Rama Velip's residence at very odd hours in
the night and asking him to report to Quepem Police Station.

Rama Velip is heading Gawda, Kunbi, Velip and Dhangar Fedearation
(GAKUVED) unit under the jurisdiction of Rivona Panchayat and in the
middle of resistance movement against mining in Sanguem and Quepem
Talukas of South Goa.

CID officer who is involved in harassing Rama Velip is one Premanand
Phaldessai attached to Quepem Police Station. He hails from Sanvordem
and according to the sources his family members are involved in
business of transportation of Iron Ore through ownership of trucks.
Harassment stopped only after the officer was reported on internet.

44. September 25, 2009

Colomba, Sanguem

Colamb villager Motes Antao arrested at Quepem Police Station in the
morning at 9.15 am. He was called to the police station to collect
information he had sought involving detailed information of three
police officials – PI Santos S. Dessai, PSI Prakash Desai and HC
Arvind Nagekar- under Right to Information Act 2005 (RTI). Motes was
threatened at the police station for filing application under RTI on
August 14, 2009. Motes Antao was arrested on complaint of November 28,
2008 filed by one Shri C.S.Patil Asst. Personal Manager of Hiralal
Khodidas Mine – operated by Fomento mining company in Motes’ village
of Colomba in Sanguem under sections 143, 341 and 506 read with 149 of
Indian Penal Code (IPC). What is tragic in this whole episode still
unfolding is that the citizen is called at the police station to
collect information sought under RTI and then threatened and arrest
effected on previous cases.

45. October 12, 2009

Usgao, Ponda

157 people protesting against Sesa Goa mines in Condli arrested and
released on bond. They had blocked transportation of ore for one week
prior to their arrests.

In addition to this there are also incidents of Telephone tapping of
the people resisting mining industry in Goa. It is not sure however as
to who was doing tapping of the phones. On October 10, 2008 telephone
calls from the mobile phone belonging to Sebastian Rodrigues made to
the landline phone of Rama Velip in were being tapped. Someone, a male
adult voice speaking Hindi received call made to Rama Velip. Similarly
when Rama Velip called Sebastian Rodrigues from his landline a male
adult voice speaking in Hindi received the call.

On Second occasion on Sunday, August 02, 2009 someone call came in on
landline of Sebastian Rodrigues in Siolim saying that the person is
calling from telephone exchange and trying to find out if the landline
is working alright. Telephone exchange does not attend to telephone
repair work on Sunday nor anyone had lodged any complaint pertaining
to defect in telephone functioning.

III. Ramifications

The existence of Police State is evident from the above documentation.
The democracy and its spaces are shrinking with Police Raj manifesting
itself in an unprecedented manner. The tribal people and other
silenced voices have been turning to voice out their grievances. They
are however offered hostile reception with Police terror. The modus
operandi of the State-Mining companies’ nexus in Goa is to file as
many police cases as possible on those protesting mining industry and
then convert these cases into arrests, and arrests into Court cases.
There are several Court cases ongoing across the State of Goa –
particularly against the people in Colomba, in Sanguem, Maina in
Quepem and Advalpal in Bicholim. The insidious logic being, that
Police cases and Court cases will demoralize the ongoing movement
against mining industry in Goa.

People of Goa particularly its hitherto silent majority has began to
speak out. It has began to expressed its dissent. This dissent is
found to be intolerable by the mining elites dominated State of Goa.
The response has been to inflict repression with Goa Police as its
favored agency.

Situation has come to head on in this manner as the Indian State has
developed intolerance to the democratic spaces especially when they
are used by conscious poor radical people to express dissent. To agree
to the voices from below would amount to the violation of pacts
amongst the elites that have decided things even before the conduct of
the necessary democratic consultations. There are up teem number of
examples in Goa wherein People opposed mining projects under the
mandatory Public Hearings taken place with overwhelming opposition
from the those present. In some cases the opposition has been 100%.
Yet all the mining companies has been awarded with environment
clearance by the Union Ministry of Environment and Forest (MoEF). In
this way Goa has been turned into colony of India for the purpose of
mineral exploitation. Ruling elites in Goa have decided to join the
party to the detriment of toiling people of Goa. That’s why Goa’s
elites silently collaborating with mining companies. They have no
vision other than making some quick riches at the cost of Goa’s
ecology and People’s livelihood and Water.

IV. Need for change in Goa Police mindset

Goa Police must undergo fundamental change in the outlook from being
defenders of Goa’s mining industry - that is waging war with People of
Goa – to being defenders of the People of Goa waging struggle against
Goa’s mining plunder. There must be awareness programs conducted for
every police officer on how mining industry is destroying Goa and why
Goa Police must join the toiling farmers and residents hand – in hand
in this; do or die struggle. Behaving as agency of repression on
behalf of the mining industry – as has been the case during 2007-2009
- will only lead to demoralization of Police force as public attention
and media sensitivity is very acute. Goa Police must refuse to arrest
and administer violence on people; instead it must play helpful role
towards movement against Goa’s mining industry in the interest of the
Goa’s generations yet to be born by acting swiftly on complaints
against mining companies. This would mean defending ‘Public’ interest
in genuine sense and not the ‘Private’ interest of handful of mining
companies engaged in ruining Goa forever. Goa police must join the
ranks of people protesting mining industry incursions. People’s revolt
against mining industry is essentially a revolt against Indian
Colonialism that is manifesting itself in mining belt in collusion
with Global exploitative forces. Time is ripe now for Goa Police to
bring about historic turn around in their hitherto role as front
defense of plunder of Goa through mining.

Note: This paper is prepared to be presented at the State level
Seminar on “Human Rights and Environment – A Focus on Goa” at the
Department of Political Science, St. Xavier’s College, Mapusa, Goa on
International Human Rights Day December 10, 2009.

www.mandgoa.blogspot.com

Goan Mineral Ore Exports: Selected Statistics (Amended upto March 31,
2009), Goa Mineral Ore Exporters’ Association, Panaji. 2009.

Posted by MAND at 12/10/2009 01:47:00 PM 0 comments Links to this
post
Labels: Advalpal, Colamb, GAKUVED, Maina, MAND, Mining, police,
Quepem, Sanguem, Sirgao

http://mandgoa.blogspot.com/search/label/Advalpal

Posted by MAND at 9/18/2009 04:03:00 PM 0 comments Links to this
post
Labels: agriculture, Bandekars, Bicholim, Chowgules, Dempos, Mining,
Sirgao, Vedanta

Pictures of June 6, 2009 floods from mining sites in Goa

Sateri Temple in Valshi, Bicholim: water from nearby Vedanta (Dempo)
mines at Bordem, Bicholim overflowing up to the temple plinth.

Below picture shows mining silt enters into compound wall of People
residing near Vedanta (Dempos) mines in Mulgao, Bicholim.

Picture below shows mining rejection from Vedanta (Sesa Goa) mine lays
scattered around in Advalpal village in Bicholim Taluka.

Picture below shows mining silt on the floor inside the village temple
in Valshi, Bicholim. This silt is from Vedanta (Dempo mine at Bordem,
Bicholim)

Mining silt entered entered inside the People's houses in Poira,
Bicholim. This Silt is from Chowgule mining company.

Compound walls, drainage disrupted during last floods in mining belt
of Goa. This picture is from Advalpal where in Sesa Goa, Salgaoncars,
Fomentos, Lithoferro mining companies are in operation.

(Pictures by Vishant Vaze)

Posted by MAND at 9/18/2009 02:47:00 PM 0 comments Links to this
post
Labels: Advalpal, Bicholim, Bordem, Chowgules, Dempos, Floods,
fomentos, Mining, Mulgao, Sesa Goa, Vedanta

http://www.nanavonmilita.wordpress.com/

...and I am Sid Harth
navanavonmilita
2010-04-10 16:20:29 UTC
Permalink
Not Required Indian, NRI: Sid Harth

Romani people
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

For other uses, see Romani. http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Romani
Romani people
Rromane dźene
Romani flag proposed by the 1971 World Romani Congress

(left to right):

Grigoraş Dinicu, Drafi Deutscher, Charles Chaplin, Isabel Pantoja,
Ricardo Quaresma, Ceija Stojka, Džej Ramadanovski, Irini Merkouri

Total population

Up to 5 million in the world[1]
or
6-11 million in the world[2]

See Romani people by country for the entire list of countries and
other estimations.
The following list uses official data, the unofficial estmation might
differ substantially.

Regions with significant populations

Spain 650,000
(1.62%) [3]
Romania 535,140
(2.46%) [4]
Turkey 500,000
(0.72%) [5]
France 500,000
(0.79%) [6]
Bulgaria 370,908
(4.67%) [7]
Hungary 205,720
(2.02%) [8]
Greece 200,000
(1.82%) [9]
Russia 182,766
(0.13%) [10]
Italy 130,000
(0.22%) [11]
Serbia 108,193
(1.44%) [12]
Slovakia 89,920
(1.71%) [13]
Germany 70,000
(0.09%) [14]
R. Macedonia 53,879
(2.85%) [15]

Languages

Romani, languages of native region

Religion

Christianity
(Orthodoxy, Catholicism, Protestantism),
Islam,
Shaktism[16]

Related ethnic groups

Dom people, Lom people, other Indo-Aryans

The Romani (also Romany, Romanies, Romanis, Roma or Roms; exonym:
Gypsies; Romani: Romane or Rromane, depending on the dialect) are an
ethnic group living mostly in Europe, who trace their origins to
medieval India.

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Middle_kingdoms_of_India

The Romani are widely dispersed with their largest concentrated
populations in Europe, especially the Roma of Central and Eastern
Europe and Anatolia, followed by the Iberian Kale in Southwestern
Europe and Southern France, with more recent diaspora populations in
the Americas and, to a lesser extent, in other parts of the world.

Their Romani language is divided into several dialects, which add up
to an estimated number of speakers larger than two million.[17] The
total number of Romani people is at least twice as large (several
times as large according to high estimates), and many Romani are
native speakers of the language current in their country of residence,
or of mixed languages combining the two.

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Romani_language

Terminology

Main article: Names of the Romani people
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Names_of_the_Romani_people

Distribution of the Romanies in Europe based on self-designation.Rom,
Romani
Romani usage

In the Romani language, rom is a masculine noun, meaning "man,
husband", with the plural roma. Romani is the feminine adjective,
while romano is the masculine adjective. Some Romanies use Rom / Roma
as an ethnic name, while others (such as the Sinti, or the Romanichal)
do not use this term as a self-ascription for the entire ethnic group.
[18]

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sinti

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Romanichal

Sometimes, rom and romani are spelled with a double r, i.e., rrom and
rromani. In this case rr is used to represent the phoneme /ʀ/ (also
written as ř and rh), which in some Romani dialects has remained
different from the one written with a single r. The rr spelling is
common particularly in Romania, in order to distinguish from the
endonym for Romanians (sg. român, pl. români).[19]

English usage

In the English language (according to OED), Rom is a noun (with the
plural Roma or Roms) and an adjective, while Romani (Romany) is also a
noun (with the plural Romanies or Romanis) and an adjective. Both Rom
and Romani have been in use in English since the 19th century as an
alternative for Gypsy. Romani was initially spelled Rommany, then
Romany, while today the Romani spelling is the most popular spelling.
Occasionally, the double r spelling (e.g., Rroma, Rromani) mentioned
above is also encountered in English texts.

Although Roma is used as a designation for the branch of the Romani
people with historic concentrations in Eastern Europe and the Balkans,
it is increasingly encountered during recent decades[20][21] as a
generic term for the Romani people as a whole.[22]

Because all Romanies use the word Romani as an adjective, the term
began to be used as a noun for the entire ethnic group.[23]

Today, the term Romani is used by most organizations—including the
United Nations, the Council of Europe, and the US Library of Congress.
[19]

The standard assumption is that the demonyms of the Romani people, Lom
and Dom share the same origin.[24][25]

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Lom_people

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Dom_people

Gypsy

Further information: Gypsy http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Gypsy

The English term Gypsy (or Gipsy) originates from the Greek word
Αιγύπτοι (Aigyptoi, whence modern Greek γύφτοι gifti), in the
erroneous belief that the Romanies originated in Egypt, and were
exiled as punishment for allegedly harboring the infant Jesus.[26]
This exonym is sometimes written with capital letter, to show that it
designates an ethnic group.[27]

As described in Victor Hugo's novel The Hunchback of Notre Dame, the
medieval French referred to the Romanies as egyptiens. The term has
come to bear pejorative connotations. The word "Gypsy" in English has
become so pervasive that many Romani organizations use it in their own
organizational names.

In North America, the word "Gypsy" is commonly used as a reference to
lifestyle[citation needed] or fashion, and not to the Romani
ethnicity. The Spanish term gitano and the French term gitan may have
the same origin[clarification needed].[28]

Population and subgroups

Main article: Romani populations
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Romani_populations

Distribution of the Romani people in Europe (2007 Council of Europe
"average estimates", totalling 9.8 million)[29]

* The size of the wheel symbols reflects absolute population size
* The gradient reflects the percent in the country's population:
0% 10%.Many Romanies for a variety of
reasons choose not to register their ethnic identity in official
censuses. There are an estimated four million Romani people in Europe
and Asia Minor (as of 2002),[30] although some high estimates by
Romani organizations give numbers as high as 14 million.[31]
Significant Romani populations are found in the Balkan peninsula, in
some Central European states, in Spain, France, Russia, and Ukraine.
Several more million Romanies may live out of Europe, in particular in
the Middle East and in the Americas.

The Romani people recognize divisions among themselves based in part
on territorial, cultural and dialectal differences and self-
designation. The main branches are:[32][33][34][35]

Roma, crystallized in Eastern Europe and Central Italy, emigrated also
(mostly from the 19th century onwards), in the rest of Europe, but
also on the other continents;
Iberian Kale, mostly in Spain (see Romani people in Spain), but also
in Portugal, Southern France and Latin America;
Finnish Kale, in Finland, emigrated also in Sweden;
Welsh Kale, in Wales;
Romanichal, in the United Kingdom, emigrated also to the United States
and Australia;
Sinti, in German-speaking areas of Central Europe and some neighboring
countries;
Manush, in French-speaking areas of Central Europe;
Romanisæl, in Sweden and Norway.

Among Romanies there are further internal differentiations, like
Bashaldé; Churari; Luri; Ungaritza; Lovari (Lovara) from Hungary;
Machvaya (Machavaya, Machwaya, or Macwaia) from Serbia; Romungro
(Modyar or Modgar) from Hungary and neighbouring carpathian countries;
Erlides (also Yerlii or Arli); Xoraxai (Horahane) from Greece/Turkey;
Boyash (Lingurari, Ludar, Ludari, Rudari, or Zlătari) from Romanian
words for various crafts: (Lingurari - spoon makers, Rudari - wood
crafters; Zlătari - goldsmiths); Ursari from Romanian/Moldovan bear-
trainers; Argintari from silversmiths; Aurari from goldsmiths; Florari
from florists; and Lăutari from musicians.

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Luri

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Lovari_(Roma)

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Vlax_Romani

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Machvaya

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Romungro

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Xoraxai

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Boyash

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ursari

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Silversmith

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Goldsmith

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Florist

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/L%C4%83utari

History

Main article: History of the Romani people
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/History_of_the_Romani_people

This section requires expansion.

Origins

Main article: Origin of the Romani people
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Origin_of_the_Romani_people#Origin

Linguistic and genetic evidence indicates the Romanies originated from
the Indian subcontinent, emigrating from India towards the northwest
no earlier than the 11th century. The Romani are generally believed to
have originated in central India, possibly in the modern Indian state
of Rajasthan, migrating to northwest India (the Punjab region) around
250 B.C. In the centuries spent here, there may have been close
interaction with such established groups as the Rajputs and the Jats.
Their subsequent westward migration, possibly in waves, is believed to
have occurred between 500 A.D. and 1000 A.D. Contemporary populations
sometimes suggested as sharing a close relationship to the Romani are
the Dom people of Central Asia and the Banjara of India.[36]

The emigration from India likely took place in the context of the
raids by Mahmud of Ghazni[37] As these soldiers were defeated, they
were moved west with their families into the Byzantine Empire. The
11th century terminus post quem is due to the Romani language showing
unambiguous features of the Modern Indo-Aryan languages,[38]
precluding an emigration during the Middle Indic period.

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Rajasthan

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Punjab_region

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Rajputs

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jats

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Dom_people

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Central_Asia

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Banjara

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mahmud_of_Ghazni

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Byzantine_Empire

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Modern_Indo-Aryan#Modern_dialect_continuum

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Middle_Indic

Genetic evidence supports the medieval migration from India. The
Romanies have been described as "a conglomerate of genetically
isolated founder populations",[39] while a number of common Mendelian
disorders among Romanies from all over Europe indicates "a common
origin and founder effect".[39][40] A study from 2001 by Gresham et
al. suggests "a limited number of related founders, compatible with a
small group of migrants splitting from a distinct caste or tribal
group".[41] The same study found that "a single lineage ... found
across Romani populations, accounts for almost one-third of Romani
males."[41] A 2004 study by Morar et al. concluded that the Romani
population "was founded approximately 32–40 generations ago, with
secondary and tertiary founder events occurring approximately 16–25
generations ago".[42]

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/List_of_Mendelian_traits_in_humans

Possible connection with the Jat people

While the South Asian origin of the Romani people has been long
considered a certitude, the exact South Asian group from whom the
Romanies have descended has been a matter of debate. The recent
discovery of the "Jat mutation" that causes a type of glaucoma in
Romani populations suggests that the Romani people are the descendants
of the Jat people found in Northern India and Pakistan.[43]

This contradicted an earlier study that compared the most common
haplotypes found in Romani groups with those found in Jatt Sikhs and
Jats from Haryana and found no matches.[44] The haplogroup H, which is
the most common haplogroup in Romanis is far more prevalent in central
India and south India than it is in northern India, where haplogroup
R1a lineages makes up at least half of male ancestries, and haplogroup
H is rare.

Appearance in Europe

The migration of the Romanies through the Middle East and Northern
Africa to Europe
First arrival of the Romanies outside Berne in the 15th century,
described by the chronicler as getoufte heiden ("baptized heathens")
and drawn with dark skin and wearing Saracen-style clothing and
weapons (Spiezer Schilling, p. 749).
An 1852 Wallachian poster advertising an auction of Romani slaves in
Bucharest.In 1322 CE a Franciscan monk named Symon Semeonis described
people resembling these "atsinganoi" living in Crete and in 1350 CE
Ludolphus of Sudheim mentioned a similar people with a unique language
whom he called Mandapolos, a word which some theorize was possibly
derived from the Greek word mantes (meaning prophet or fortune teller).
[45]

Around 1360, an independent Romani fiefdom (called the Feudum
Acinganorum) was established in Corfu and became "a settled community
and an important and established part of the economy."[46]

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Symon_Semeonis

By the 14th century, the Romanies had reached the Balkans; by 1424 CE,
Germany; and by the 16th century, Scotland and Sweden. Some Romanies
migrated from Persia through North Africa, reaching the Iberian
Peninsula in the 15th century. The two currents met in France.
Romanies began immigrating to the United States in colonial times,
with small groups in Virginia and French Louisiana. Larger-scale
immigration began in the 1860s, with groups of Romnaichal from
Britain. The largest number immigrated in the early 1900s, mainly from
the Vlax group of Kalderash. Many Romanies also settled in South
America.

When the Romani people arrived in Europe, curiosity was soon followed
by hostility and xenophobia. Romanies were enslaved for five centuries
in Wallachia and Moldavia until abolition in 1856.[47] Elsewhere in
Europe, they were subject to ethnic cleansing, abduction of their
children, and forced labor. In England, there were hangings and
expulsions of the Romani; in France, branding and the shaving of
heads; in Moravia and Bohemia severing of ears of women. As a result,
large groups of the Romani travelled back East, towards Poland, which
was more tolerant, and Russia, where the Romani were also treated less
heavy-handedly, as long as they paid the annual taxes.[48]

Sinti and Roma about to be deported in Germany, May 22, 1940World War
II

Main article: Porajmos
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Porajmos

During World War II, the Nazis embarked on systematic attempt at
genocide of the Romanies, known as the Porajmos.[49] They were marked
for extermination and sentenced to forced labor and imprisonment in
concentration camps. They were often killed on sight, especially by
the Einsatzgruppen (essentially mobile killing units) on the Eastern
Front. The total number of victims has been variously estimated at
between 220,000 to 1,500,000; even the lowest number would count as
one of the largest mass murders in history.

Post-1945

In Communist Eastern Europe, Romanies experienced assimilation schemes
and restrictions of cultural freedom.[citation needed] The Romani
language and Romani music were banned from public performance in
Bulgaria.[dubious – discuss] In Czechoslovakia, they were labeled a
"socially degraded stratum,"[citation needed] and Romani women were
sterilized as part of a state policy to reduce their population. This
policy was implemented with large financial incentives, threats of
denying future welfare payments, with misinformation, or after
administering drugs (Silverman 1995; Helsinki Watch 1991). An official
inquiry from the Czech Republic, resulting in a report (December
2005), concluded that the Communist authorities had practiced an
assimilation policy towards Romanies, which "included efforts by
social services to control the birth rate in the Romani community" and
that "the problem of sexual sterilization carried out in the Czech
Republic, either with improper motivation or illegally, exists"[50]
with new revealed cases up until 2004, in both the Czech Republic and
Slovakia.[51]

Society and culture

Main article: Romani society and culture
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Romani_society_and_culture

A Gipsy Family - Facsimile of a woodcut in the "Cosmographie
Universelle" of Munster: in folio, Basle, 1552.The traditional
Romanies place a high value on the extended family. Virginity is
essential in unmarried women. Both men and women often marry young;
there has been controversy in several countries over the Romani
practice of child marriage. Romani law establishes that the man's
family must pay a bride price to the bride's parents, but only
traditional families still follow this rule.

Once married, the woman joins the husband's family, where her main job
is to tend to her husband's and her children's needs, as well as to
take care of her in-laws. The power structure in the traditional
Romani household has at its top the oldest man or grandfather, and men
in general have more authority than women. Women gain respect and
authority as they get older. Young wives begin gaining authority once
they have children.

Romani social behavior is strictly regulated by Hindu purity laws
("marime" or "marhime"), still respected by most Roma (and by most
older generations of Sinti). This regulation affects many aspects of
life, and is applied to actions, people and things: parts of the human
body are considered impure: the genital organs (because they produce
emissions), as well as the rest of the lower body. Fingernails and
toenails must be filed with an emery board, as cutting them with a
clipper is a taboo. Clothes for the lower body, as well as the clothes
of menstruating women, are washed separately. Items used for eating
are also washed in a different place. Childbirth is considered impure,
and must occur outside the dwelling place. The mother is considered
impure for forty days after giving birth. Death is considered impure,
and affects the whole family of the dead, who remain impure for a
period of time. In contrast to the practice of cremating the dead,
Romani dead must be buried.[52] Cremation and burial are both known
from the time of the Rigveda, and both are widely practiced in
Hinduism today (although the tendency for higher caste groups is to
burn, while lower caste groups in South India tend to bury their dead).
[53] Some animals are also considered impure, for instance cats
because they lick themselves.[54]

Religion

Muslim Romanies in Bosnia and Herzegovina (around 1900)Migrant Romani
populations have adopted the dominant religion of their country of
residence, while often preserving aspects of older belief systems and
forms of worship. Most Eastern European Romanies are Roman Catholic or
Orthodox Christian or Muslim. Those in western Europe and the United
States are mostly Roman Catholic or Protestant. In Turkey, Egypt, and
the Balkans, the Romanies are split into Christian and Muslim
populations.

Music

Main article: Romani music
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Romani_music

Young Hungarian Romani performing a traditional danceRomani music
plays an important role in Eastern European countries such as Croatia,
Bosnia and Herzegovina, Serbia, Montenegro, Bulgaria, the Republic of
Macedonia, Albania, Hungary, and Romania, and the style and
performance practices of Romani musicians have influenced European
classical composers such as Franz Liszt and Johannes Brahms. The
lăutari who perform at traditional Romanian weddings are virtually all
Romani. Probably the most internationally prominent contemporary
performers in the lăutari tradition are Taraful Haiducilor. Bulgaria's
popular "wedding music", too, is almost exclusively performed by
Romani musicians such as Ivo Papasov, a virtuoso clarinetist closely
associated with this genre and Bulgarian pop-folk singer Azis. Many
famous classical musicians, such as the Hungarian pianist Georges
Cziffra, are Romani, as are many prominent performers of manele. Zdob
şi Zdub, one of the most prominent rock bands in Moldova, although not
Romanies themselves, draw heavily on Romani music, as do Spitalul de
Urgenţă in Romania, Goran Bregović in Serbia, Darko Rundek in Croatia,
Beirut and Gogol Bordello in the United States.

Another tradition of Romani music is the genre of the Romani brass
band, with such notable practitioners as Boban Marković of Serbia, and
the brass lăutari groups Fanfare Ciocărlia and Fanfare din Cozmesti of
Romania.

The distinctive sound of Romani music has also strongly influenced
bolero, jazz, and flamenco (especially cante jondo) in Europe.
European-style Gypsy jazz ("jazz Manouche" or "Sinti jazz") is still
widely practiced among the original creators (the Romanie People); one
who acknowledged this artistic debt was guitarist Django Reinhardt.
Contemporary artists in this tradition known internationally include
Stochelo Rosenberg, Biréli Lagrène, Jimmy Rosenberg, and Tchavolo
Schmitt.

The Romanies of Turkey have achieved musical acclaim from national and
local audiences. Local performers usually perform for special
holidays. Their music is usually performed on instruments such as the
darbuka and gırnata. A number of nationwide best seller performers are
said to be of Romani origin.[citation needed]

Language

Main article: Romani language
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Romani_language

Most Romanies speak one of several dialects of Romani,[55][not in
citation given] an Indo-Aryan language. They also will often speak the
languages of the countries they live in. Typically, they also
incorporate loanwords and calques into Romani from the languages of
those countries, especially words for terms that the Romani language
does not have. Most of the Ciganos of Portugal, the Gitanos of Spain,
the Romanichal of the UK, and Scandinavian Travellers have lost their
knowledge of pure Romani, and respectively speak the mixed languages
Caló,[56] Angloromany, and Scandoromani.

There are independent groups currently working toward standardizing
the language, including groups in Romania, Serbia, Montenegro, the
USA, and Sweden. Romani is not currently spoken in India.[citation
needed]

Persecutions

Main article: Antiziganism
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Antiziganism

Historical persecution

The first and one of the most enduring persecutions against the Romani
people was the enslaving of the Romanies who arrived on the territory
of the historical Romanian states of Wallachia and Moldavia, which
lasted from the 14th century until the second half of the 19th
century. Legislation decreed that all the Romanies living in these
states, as well as any others who would immigrate there, were slaves.
[57]

The arrival of some branches of the Romani people in Western Europe in
the 15th century was precipitated by the Ottoman conquest of the
Balkans. Although the Romanies themselves were refugees from the
conflicts in southeastern Europe, they were mistaken by the local
population in the West, because of their foreign appearance, as part
of the Ottoman invasion (the German Reichstags at Landau and Freiburg
in 1496-1498 declared the Romanies as spies of the Turks). In Western
Europe, this resulted in a violent history of persecution and attempts
of ethnic cleansing until the modern era. As time passed, other
accusations were added against local Romanies (accusations specific to
this area, against non-assimilated minorities), like that of bringing
the plague, usually sharing their burden together with the local Jews.
[58]

One example of official persecution of the Romani is exemplified by
the The Great Roundup of Spanish Romanies (Gitanos) in 1749. The
Spanish monarchy ordered a nationwide raid that led to separation of
families and placement of all able-bodied men into forced labor camps.

Later in the 19th century, Romani immigration was forbidden on a
racial basis in areas outside Europe, mostly in the English speaking
world (in 1885 the United States outlawed the entry of the Roma) and
also in some South American countries (in 1880 Argentina adopted a
similar policy).[58]

Holocaust

Main article: Porajmos
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Porajmos

Romani arrivals at the Belzec death camp await instructions.The
persecution of the Romanies reached a peak during World War II in the
Porajmos, the genocide perpetrated by the Nazis during the Holocaust.
In 1935, the Nuremberg laws stripped the Romani people living in Nazi
Germany of their citizenship, after which they were subjected to
violence, imprisonment in concentration camps and later genocide in
extermination camps. The policy was extended in areas occupied by the
Nazis during the war, and it was also applied by their allies, notably
the Independent State of Croatia, Romania and Hungary.

Because no accurate pre-war census figures exist for the Romanis, it
is impossible to accurately assess the actual number of victims. Ian
Hancock, director of the Program of Romani Studies at The University
of Texas at Austin, proposes a figure of up to a million and a half,
while an estimate of between 220,000 and 500,000 was made by Sybil
Milton, formerly senior historian of the U.S. Holocaust Memorial
Museum.[59] In Central Europe, the extermination in the Protectorate
of Bohemia and Moravia was so thorough that the Bohemian Romani
language became extinct.[citation needed]

Forced assimilation

In the Habsburg Monarchy under Maria Theresia (1740–1780), a series of
decrees tried to force the Romanies to sedentarize, removed rights to
horse and wagon ownership (1754), renamed them as "New Citizens" and
forced Romani boys into military service if they had no trade (1761),
forced them to register with the local authorities (1767), and
prohibited marriage between Romanies (1773). Her successor Josef II
prohibited the wearing of traditional Romani clothing and the use of
the Romani language, punishable by flogging.[60]

In Spain, attempts to assimilate the Gitanos were under way as early
as 1619, when Gitanos were forcibly sedentarized, the use of the
Romani language was prohibited, Gitano men and women were sent to
separate workhouses and their children sent to orphanages. Similar
prohibitions took place in 1783 under King Charles III, who prohibited
the nomadic lifestyle, the use of the Calo language, Romani clothing,
their trade in horses and other itinerant trades. The use of the word
gitano was also forbidden to further assimilation. Ultimately these
measures failed, as the rest of the population rejected the
integration of the Gitanos.[60][61]

Other examples of forced assimilation include Norway, where a law was
passed in 1896 permitting the state to remove children from their
parents and place them in state institutions.[62] This resulted in
some 1,500 Romani children being taken from their parents in the 20th
century.[63]

Contemporary issues

Main article: Modern Antiziganism

Amnesty International reports continued instances of Antizigan
discrimination during the 2000s, particularly in Bulgaria, Romania,
Slovakia,[64] Hungary,[65] Slovenia,[66] and Kosovo.[67]

Czechoslovakia carried out a policy of sterilization of Romani women,
starting in 1973.[68] The dissidents of the Charter 77 denounced it in
1977-78 as a "genocide", but the practice continued through the Velvet
Revolution of 1989.[69] A 2005 report by the Czech government's
independent ombudsman, Otakar Motejl, identified dozens of cases of
coercive sterilization between 1979 and 2001, and called for criminal
investigations and possible prosecution against several health care
workers and administrators.[70]

In 2008, the Italian government declared that Italy's Romani
population represented a national security risk and that swift action
was required to address the emergenza nomadi (gypsy emergency)[71]
Specifically officials in the Italian government accused the Romanies
of being responsible for rising crime rates in urban areas. Mario
Marazziti, spokesperson of the Community of Sant'Egidio human rights
organization said "There is no national emergency ... What is an
emergency is that in the 21st century the life expectancy of a gypsy
living in Italy is under 60 years of age."[72]

Fictional representations

Main article: Fictional representations of Romani people
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Fictional_representations_of_Romani_people

Vincent van Gogh: The Caravans - Gypsy Camp near Arles (1888, Oil on
canvas)Many fictional depictions of the Romani in literature and art
present Romanticized narratives of their supposed mystical powers of
fortune telling, and their supposed irascible or passionate temper
paired with an indomitable love of freedom and a habit of criminality.
Particularly notable are classics like Carmen by Prosper Mérimée and
adapted by Georges Bizet, Victor Hugo's The Hunchback of Notre Dame
and Miguel de Cervantes' La Gitanilla. The Romani were also heavily
romanticized in the Soviet Union, a classic example being the 1975
Tabor ukhodit v Nebo. A more realistic depiction of contemporary
Romani in the Balkans, featuring Romani lay actors speaking in their
native dialects, although still playing with established clichés of a
Romani penchant for both magic and crime, was presented by Emir
Kusturica in his Time of the Gypsies (1988) and Black Cat, White Cat
(1998).

In contemporary literature

The Romani ethnicity is often used for characters in contemporary
fantasy literature. In such literature, the Romani are often portrayed
as possessing archaic occult knowledge passed down through the ages.
This frequent use of the ethnicity has given rise to Gypsy archetypes
in popular contemporary literature. One example of such a use is the
character Jilly Coppercorn in the seminal urban fantasy novel Dreams
Under Foot by Charles de Lint.

See also

Antiziganism http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Antiziganism
Cem Romengo http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Cem_Romengo#Iulian_R.C4.83dulescu
Decade of Roma Inclusion http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Decade_of_Roma_Inclusion
European Roma Rights Centre http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/European_Roma_Rights_Centre
Gypsy Lore Society http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Gypsy_Lore_Society
International Romani Union http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/International_Romani_Union
King of the Gypsies http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/King_of_the_Gypsies
List of Romani groups http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/List_of_Romani_groups
List of Romani people http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/List_of_Romani_people
List of Romani settlements http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/List_of_Romani_settlements
Nomadic peoples of Europe http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nomadic_peoples_of_Europe
R. v. Krymowski http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/R._v._Krymowski
Timeline of Romani history http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Timeline_of_Romani_history

References

Notes

^ According to Encyclopaedia Britannica, estimates of the total world
Romani population range from two million to five million.[1]
^ Ian Hancock's 1987 estimate for "all Gypsies in the world" was 6 to
11 million [2].
^ [3] The Spanish government estimates the number of Gitanos at a
maximum of 650,000
^ [4] Census 2001 in Romania: 535,140 Roma
^ [5] There are officially about 500,000 Roma in Turkey.
^ [6] The Romani population in France is officially estimated at
around 500,000
^ [7] Census 2001 in Bulgaria: 370,908 Roma
^ [8] Census 2001 in Hungary: 205,720 Roma/Bea
^ [9] The Romani population in Greece is officially estimated at
200,000
^ [10] Census 2002 in Russia: 182,766 Roma
^ Demographics_of_Italy#Languages Estimated by Ministero degli Interni
del Governo Italiano.
^ [11] Census 2002 in Serbia: 108,193 Romanies
^ [12] Census 2001 in Slovakia: 89,920 Roma
^ [13] 70,000 Roma/Sinti estimated by the German Ministry of Internal
Affairs
^ [14] The 2002-census reported 53,879 Roma and 3,843 "Egyptians"
^ Gall, Timothy L. (ed). Worldmark Encyclopedia of Culture & Daily
Life: Vol. 4 - Europe. Cleveland, OH: Eastword Publications
Development (1998); pg. 316, 318 : "Religion: An underlay of Hinduism
with an overlay of either Christianity or Islam (host country
religion) "; "Roma religious beliefs are rooted in Hinduism. Roma
believe in a universal balance, called kuntari... Despite a 1,000-year
separation from India, Roma still practice shaktism, the worship of a
god through his female consort... ""
^ Matras, Yaron (2002). Romani: a linguistic introduction. Cambridge
University Press. pp. 239. ISBN 9780521631655.
http://books.google.com/books?id=D4IIi0Ha3V4C&pg=PA238&dq=number+speakers+of+Romani.
Retrieved 2009-07-16.
^ We Are the Romani People, Pg XIX,
http://books.google.ro/books?id=MG0ahVw-kdwC&pg=PP1&ots=PiPKTLplWa&sig=Ly3TAfbjs6FqhS7h0e1Yz44qaIk&hl=ro&sa=X&oi=book_result&resnum=1&ct=result#PPR19,M1,
retrieved 2008-07-31
^ a b We Are the Romani People, Pg XXI,
http://books.google.ro/books?id=MG0ahVw-kdwC&pg=PP1&ots=PiPKTLplWa&sig=Ly3TAfbjs6FqhS7h0e1Yz44qaIk&hl=ro&sa=X&oi=book_result&resnum=1&ct=result#PPR21,M1,
retrieved 2008-07-31
^ p. 52 in Elena Marushiakova and Vesselin Popov's "Historical and
ethnographic background; Gypsies, Roma, Sinti" in Will Guy [ed.]
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a Foreword by Dr. Ian Hancock], 2001, UK: University of Hertfordshire
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^ p. 13 in Illona Klimova-Alexander's The Romani Voice in World
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^ Rothéa, Xavier. "Les Roms, une nation sans territoire?" (in
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^ We Are the Romani People, Pg XX,
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retrieved 2008-07-31
^ The Institute for Middle East Understanding
^ Online Etymology Dictionary - Douglas Harper
^ Fraser 1992.
^ Hancock, Ian (1995). A Handbook of Vlax Romani. Slavica Publishers.
p. 17.
^ "gitan" (in French). Dictionnaire de l'Académie française.
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"Nom donné aux bohémiens d'Espagne ; par ext., synonyme de Bohémien,
Tzigane. Adjt. Une robe gitane."
^ Council of Europe website, European Roma and Travellers Forum
(ERTF)
^ 3.8 million according to Pan and Pfeil, National Minotiries in
Europe (2004), ISBN 978-3700314431, p. 27f.
^ Council of Europe compilation of population estimates
^ Hancock, Ian, 2001, Ame sam e rromane džene / We are the Romani
People, The Open Society Institute, New York, page 2
^ Matras, Yaron, Romani: A linguistic introduction, Cambridge
University Press, 2002, page 5
^ "Names of the Romani People",
http://desicritics.org/2007/12/24/012125.php, retrieved 2009-01-30
^ N.Bessonov, N.Demeter "Ethnic groups of Gypsies"
^ Hancock, Ian. Ame Sam e Rromane Džene/We are the Romani people. p.
13. ISBN 1902806190.
^ Hancock, Ian F.; Dowd, Siobhan; Djurić, Rajko (2004). The roads of
the Roma: a PEN anthology of gypsy writers.. Hatfield, United Kingdom:
University of Hertforshire Press. pp. 14–15. ISBN 0900458909.
^ ""Romani"". Encyclopedia of Language and Linguistics. Oxford:
Elsevier.
http://romani.humanities.manchester.ac.uk/downloads/2/Matras_Rmni_ELL.pdf.
Retrieved 30 August 2009.
^ a b Kalaydjieva, Luba (2001). "Genetic studies of the Roma
(Gypsies): A review". BMC Medical Genetics 2: 5. doi:
10.1186/1471-2350-2-5. http://www.biomedcentral.com/1471-2350/2/5.
Retrieved 2008-06-16.
^ "Figure 4". Biomedcentral.com. doi:10.1186/1471-2350-2-5.
http://www.biomedcentral.com/1471-2350/2/5/figure/F4. Retrieved
2009-05-06.
^ a b Origins and Divergence of the Roma (Gypsies), PMID 11704928,
http://www.pubmedcentral.nih.gov/articlerender.fcgi?artid=1235543,
retrieved 2008-06-16
^ Mutation history of the Roma-Gypsies, http://lib.bioinfo.pl/pmid:15322984,
retrieved 2008-06-16
^ Jatt mutation found in Romani populations
^ Searching for the origin of Romanies http://cat.inist.fr/?aModele=afficheN&cpsidt=18768723
^ Linda Anfuso (1994-02-24). "[at tinhat.stonemarche.org gypsies]".
rec.org.sca. (Web link). Retrieved on 2007-08-26.
^ "A Chronology of significant dates in Romani history". Archived from
the original on 2004-12-04.
http://web.archive.org/web/20041204203106/radoc.net/chronology.html.
^ Hancock, Ian, 2001, Ame sam e rromane džene / We are the Romani
People, The Open Society Institute, New York, page 25
^ On the road: Centuries of Roma history, Delia Radu, BBC World
Service, 8 July 2009
^ ROMANIES AND THE HOLOCAUST: A REEVALUATION AND AN OVERVIEW
^ Denysenko, Marina (2007-03-12). "Sterilised Roma accuse Czechs". BBC
News.
http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/europe/6409699.stm.
^ Thomas, Jeffrey (2006-08-16). "Coercive Sterilization of Romani
Women Examined at Hearing: New report focuses on Czech Republic and
Slovakia". Washington File. Bureau of International Information
Programs, U.S. Department of State.
http://usinfo.state.gov/xarchives/display.html?p=washfile-english&y=2006&m=August&x=200608171045451CJsamohT0.678158.
^ "Romani Customs and Traditions: Death Rituals and Customs". Patrin
Web Journal.
http://www.geocities.com/Paris/5121/death.htm. Retrieved 2007-08-26.
[dead link]
^ David M. Knipe. "The Journey of a Lifebody".
http://www.hindugateway.com/library/rituals/. Retrieved 2008-05-26.
^ Hancock, Ian, 2001, Ame sam e rromane džene / We are the Romani
People, The Open Society Institute, New York, page 81
^ Dieter W. Halwachs. "Speakers and Numbers (distribution of Romani-
speaking Romani population by country)" (PDF). Rombase.
http://romani.uni-graz.at/rombase/cd/data/lang/gen/data/numbers.en.pdf.
^ Raymond G. Gordon Jr., ed (2005). "Caló: A language of Spain".
Ethnologue: Languages of the World (15th ed.). Dallas, Texas: SIL
International. ISBN 9781556711596.
http://www.ethnologue.com/show_language.asp?code=rmr.
^ Delia Grigore, Petre Petcuţ and Mariana Sandu (2005) (in Romanian).
Istoria şi tradiţiile minorităţii rromani. Bucharest: Sigma. p. 36.
^ a b "Timeline of Romani History". Patrin Web Journal.
http://www.geocities.com/Paris/5121/timeline.htm. Retrieved
2007-08-26. [dead link]
^ Most estimates for numbers of Romani victims of the Holocaust fall
between 200,000 and 500,000, although figures ranging between 90,000
and 4 million have been proposed. Lower estimates do not include those
killed in all Axis-controlled countries. A detailed study by Sybil
Milton, formerly senior historian at the US Holocaust Memorial Museum
gave a figure of at least a minimum of 220,000, probably higher,
possibly closer to 500,000 (cited in Re. Holocaust Victim Assets
Litigation (Swiss Banks) Special Master's Proposals, September 11,
2000). Ian Hancock, Director of the Program of Romani Studies and the
Romani Archives and Documentation Center at the University of Texas at
Austin, argues in favour of a higher figure of between 500,000 and
1,500,000 in his 2004 article, Romanies and the Holocaust: A
Reevaluation and an Overview as published in Stone, D. (ed.) (2004)
The Historiography of the Holocaust. Palgrave, Basingstoke and New
York.
^ a b Samer, Helmut (December 2001). "Maria Theresia and Joseph II:
Policies of Assimilation in the Age of Enlightened Absolutism.".
Rombase. Karl-Franzens-Universitaet Graz.
http://romani.uni-graz.at/rombase/cgi-bin/art.cgi?src=data/hist/modern/maria.en.xml.
^ "Gitanos. History and Cultural Relations.". World Culture
Encyclopedia.
http://www.everyculture.com/Europe/Gitanos-History-and-Cultural-Relations.html.
Retrieved 2007-08-26.
^ "Roma (Gypsies) in Norway".
http://www.geocities.com/~Patrin/norway.htm. Retrieved 2007-08-26.
[dead link]
^ "The Church of Norway and the Roma of Norway". World Council of
Churches. 2002-09-03.
http://www2.wcc-coe.org/ccdocuments.nsf/index/plen-4.4-en.html.
^ "Amnesty International". Web.amnesty.org. 2009-04-20.
http://web.amnesty.org/wire/February2002/Europe_Roma. Retrieved
2009-05-06.
^ Woodard, Colin (2008-02-13). "Hungary's anti-Roma militia grows |
csmonitor.com". csmonitor.com<!.
http://www.csmonitor.com/2008/0213/p07s02-woeu.html. Retrieved
2009-05-06.
^ "roma | Human Rights Press Point". Humanrightspoint.si.
http://www.humanrightspoint.si/node/12. Retrieved 2009-05-06.
^ Gesellschaft fuer bedrohte Voelker - Society for Threatened Peoples.
"Roma and Ashkali in Kosovo: Persecuted, driven out, poisoned".
Gfbv.de.
http://www.gfbv.de/inhaltsDok.php?id=612. Retrieved 2009-05-06.
^ Sterilised Roma accuse Czechs, BBC, 12 March 2007 (English)
^ For Gypsies, Eugenics is a Modern Problem - Czech Practice Dates to
Soviet Era, Newsdesk, June 12, 2006 (English)
^ http://www.ochrance.cz/en/dokumenty/dokument.php?doc=400
^ "Italy's new ghetto?". The Guardian. March 30, 2009.
http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2009/mar/30/roma-italy.
^ Italy assailed over plan to fingerprint Gypsies | International
Herald Tribune

Bibliography

Viorel Achim (2004). "The Roma in Romanian History." Budapest: Central
European University Press. ISBN 963-9241-84-9.
Auzias, Claire. Les funambules de l'histoire. Baye: Éditions la
Digitale, 2002.
De Soto, Hermine. Roma and Egyptians in Albania: From Social Exclusion
to Social Inclusion. Washington, DC, USA: World Bank Publications,
2005.
Fonseca, Isabel. Bury me standing: the Gypsies and their journey. New
York: A.A. Knopf, 1995.
Fraser, Angus The Gypsies : Blackwell Publishers, Oxford UK, 1992 ISBN
0-631-15967-3.
Genner, Michael. Spartakus, 2 vols. Munich: Trikont, 1979-80.
"Germany Reaches Deal to Deport Thousands of Gypsies to Romania,"
Migration World Magazine, Nov-December 1992.
Gray, RD; Atkinson, QD (2003). "Language-tree divergence times support
the Anatolian theory of Indo-European origin." Nature.
Gresham, D; et al. (2001). "Origins and divergence of the Roma
(Gypsies)." American Journal of Human Genetics. 69(6), 1314-1331.
[15]
Hackl, Erich. (1991). Farewell Sidonia, New York: Fromm International
Pub. ISBN 0-88064-124-X. (Translated from the German, Abschied von
Sidonie 1989)
Helsinki Watch. Struggling for Ethnic Identity: Czechoslovakia's
Endangered Gypsies. New York, 1991.
Leland, Charles G. The English Gipsies and Their Language. London:
Trübner & Co., 1873.
Lemon, Alaina (2000). Between Two Fires: Gypsy Performance and Romani
Memory from Pushkin to Post-Socialism. Durham: Duke University Press.
ISBN 0-8223-2456-3
Luba Kalaydjieva; et al. (2001). "Patterns of inter- and intra-group
genetic diversity in the Vlax Roma as revealed by Y chromosome and
mitochondrial DNA lineages." European Journal of Human Genetics. 9,
97-104. [16]
Marushiakova, Elena; Popov, Vesselin. (2001) "Gypsies in the Ottoman
Empire." Hatfield: University of Hertfordshire Press.
Matras, Yaron (2002). Romani: A Linguistic Introduction, Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press. ISBN 0-512-02330-0.
McDowell, Bart (1970). "Gypsies, Wanderers of the World". National
Geographic Society. ISBN 0-87044-088-8.
"Gypsies, The World's Outsiders." National Geographic, April 2001,
72-101.
Ringold, Dena. Roma & the Transition in Central & Eastern Europe:
Trends & Challenges. Washington, DC, USA: World Bank, 2000. pg. 3,5, &
7.
Roberts, Samuel. The Gypsies: Their Origin, Continuance, and
Destination. London: Longman, 4th edition, 1842.
Silverman, Carol. "Persecution and Politicization: Roma (Gypsies) of
Eastern Europe." Cultural Survival Quarterly, Summer 1995.
Simson, Walter. History of the Gipsies. London: S. Low, 1865.
Tebbutt, Susan (Ed., 1998) Sinti and Roma in German-speaking Society
and Literature. Oxford: Berghahn.
Turner, Ralph L. (1926) The Position of Romani in Indo-Aryan. In:
Journal of the Gypsy Lore Society 3rd Ser. 5/4, pp. 145–188.
Danish Broadcasting Corporation A page in Danish about Romani
treatment in Denmark

External links

Wikimedia Commons has media related to: Roma people

European Parliament resolution on the situation of the Roma in the
European Union - April 28, 2005
Final report on the human rights situation of the Roma, Sinti and
travellers in Europe by the European Commissioner for Human Rights
(Council of Europe) - February 15, 2006
Non-governmental organisations
European Roma Rights Centre - European Romani NGO
Roma Rights Network - Romani INGO
Museums and libraries
Museum of Romani Culture in Brno, Czech Republic (in Czech)[17]
Specialized Library with Archive "Studii Romani" in Sofia, Bulgaria
(Bulgarian, English)
Documentation and Cultural Centre of German Sinti and Roma in
Heidelberg, Germany (German, English)
Ethnographic Museum in Tarnów, Poland. Click "ROMA (CYGANIE)" on the
menu at left. (Polish, English, Romani)
Who we Were, Who we Are: Kosovo Roma Oral History Collection. The most
comprehensive collection of information on Kosovo's Roma in existence.
(English)

v • d • eRomani people around the world

Cultural groups

Roma (Boyash • Kalderash • Lovari • Machvaya • Ruska Roma • Servitko
Roma • Ursari • Muslim Roma) • Ashkali • Cascarots • Erromintxela •
Gitanos • Finnish Kale • Welsh Kale • Romanichal • Sinti • Manouche •
Scandinavian Travellers (Tavinger, Romanisæl) • Kawliya
(sometimes considered Romani: Dom • Lom • Lyuli • Bosha • Garachi)

By location:

Central and Eastern Europe: Croatia • Bosnia and Herzegovina •
Bulgaria • Greece • Cyprus • Hungary • Kosovo • Macedonia • Romania •
Russia • Serbia • Slovakia • Spain • Ukraine
Western and Northern Europe: Finland • France • Spain
Near East: Armenia • Syria • Turkey
Americas: Black Dutch

Settlements and communities

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Rudolice nad Bílinou • Šuto Orizari Municipality • Bangladeš • Budeşti
• Jatagan Mala • Zanea

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Pages in category "Roma"

The following 39 pages are in this category, out of 39 total. This
list may not reflect recent changes (learn more).

Romani people

A

Antiziganism

C
Central Council of German Sinti and Roma
Roma (Romani subgroup)
D
Romani dance
Didem (Belly Dancer)
F
Fictional representations of Romani people
Flag of the Romani people
G
Gypsy
Gypsy Scourge
K
Ketani Association
L
Lavengro
List of Romani settlements
M
M50 Roma Emcampment Ireland
Kurt May
N
Ranjit Naik
Names of the Romani people
O
Opera Nomadi
R
Rayito
Relations between ethnic Czechs and Roma
Rokker Radio
Roma Special School
Roma in United Nations refugee camps, Kosovska Mitrovica
Romani people of Vojvodina
Romani studies
Romany crucifixion legend
R cont.
Romska Inteligencia za Spolunazivanie
Rudolice nad Bílinou
S
Sapera
The Scholar Gipsy
Selamsız
Sinti
Stolipinovo
Sulukule
U
United Roma Party of Kosovo
Ústí nad Labem
Y
Yeniche language
Z
Zargari people
Zoli

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Romani_people

The Lost Tribes of India
By Jeetan Sareen
Aug 29, 2005

The history of the ethnic group, known collectively as the "Gypsies,"
is a long and muddled one. For a long time, no one knew their origins.
Now as we’re beginning to unravel their past, their future is
uncertain. But what is certain is an underlying culture that connects
Gypsies regardless of what part of the world they are settled in.

Who are you and whence do you come?
Why have you forgotten yourself? Oh, my darling!
These lice-ridden Gorgios gave you dirty and false names as Lubni and
Mugni, Xorasani and Osmani,
But you are Mother India's forgotten child Ramni, now called Romni.
In fact you are the flowing Ganges water mixed with the waters of the
river Nile, Euphrates and Danube.

- J.S. Pathania (re-translated from the Romani original)

It is well accepted now that the Gypsies probably originated from
India. There are many legends that attest to this, as well as
linguistic ties that make this conclusion all but guaranteed.
Moreover, cultural similarities have led most scholars to agree with
this theory. The Gypsies, or as they call themselves Roma, are a
curious ethnicity that "never sleep twice in the same place never
drink water twice from the same well, and never cross the same river
twice in one year." I would like to explain a very brief history of
the Gypsies, and show the underlying Indian connection to this ethnic
group. In recent years (especially since the fall of the Easter Bloc),
the Romani have attempted to connect with their Indian past, and
perhaps we should know more about these lost relatives, so we can
forge closer ties. Since most Romani live in Eastern Europe, it may
help Indians, and India solidify stronger ties with Eastern Europeans
as well. This can be a connection with large ramifications. At the
very least, we will learn more about an ethnic group that has forever
been dismissed, ridiculed and downright denigrated.

The term "Gypsies" is an historical aberration, and actually
originated in the region of Armenia. A few hundred years ago the
Gypsies had settled into this region and formed camps in and on the
outskirts of cities. One major camp was known as "Little Egypt",
because the locals believed the people were from Egypt. Thus the term
Gypsies is derived from Egyptian. However, the connection to Egypt is
all but completely non-existent.

There are many legends in Roma culture. Roma culture is filled with
exquisite stories, and is very art-oriented, something I have always
found true with our great Hindu/Indian culture. Roma culture is also
very music-oriented, and there is reason to believe that there is an
Indian connection to this. One very popular Roma myth explains how the
Romani were forced out of India:

From Konrad Bercovici, STORY OF THE GYPSIES [1]:

We were then living on the Ganges. And our chief was a powerful chief…
a man whose voice was heard over all the land and whose judgments were
final. This chief had an only son whose name was Tchen.

In the land of the Hind there ruled a powerful king whose favorite
wife had borne him an only child, a daughter, whom he named Gan. One
day a sorcerer told this king that a man was to invade the Hind, at
the head of a numerous horde and overrun the land and destroy the king
and his family, and become the master of the country. The sorcerer
also told him that this conqueror should be immune from every form of
death, but that it was written that he would perish if he should do
violence to the Gypsy.

To save his newly-born daughter, the king called our chief, Tchen's
father, whose friend he was, and it was agreed between them that the
child was to be taken secretly to the tent of the Gypsy chief and only
the chief's wife would know who the child really was. Three days later
our Barrosan announced to his people that his wife had given birth to
a girl, and that her name was Gan...and so it was that Tchen and Gan
grew up in the same tent.

When Tchen was to be wived, they asked him to choose from the girls of
his tribe, but there was no one he desired. Again and again, the most
beautiful girls danced before him, but he found none to his liking. In
the meantime, the old chief died. Tchen threatened to kill himself,
for he realized that he loved his own sister. So his mother told him
that Gan was the daughter of the king of the Hind and not his sister.

The people were torn in two; those who agreed that everything the
young chief did was right, and the other which swore not to live under
a chief who married his own sister. Tchen dared not tell the truth,
lest the invader destroy Gan.

Meanwhile one of Skender's generals came down like a cyclone upon the
land of the Hind, devastating and destroying everything. As the
sorcerer had foretold, the king of the Hind was killed with all his
wives...their bones left under a pile of stones at the ruined palace.
One of the Gypsies approached this great conqueror to ask him for a
judgment on a sister marrying a brother… but the conqueror looked at
him with scorn and hit him a fatal blow on the head. At that moment,
the great general and his horse burst and crumbled like a clay pot
tossed on a rock. The wind blew his remains into the desert.

Those who opposed Tchen pursued him and his followers to the end of
the land and beyond. Those who had remained faithful to their chief
were called "Tchen-Gans" ...meaning brothers who married their
sisters. And a great sorcerer cursed Tchen and those following him,
saying that they should forever wander over the face of the earth,
never sleep twice in the same place never drink water twice from the
same well, and never cross the same river twice in one year.

Though this particular legend suggests the Roma are from the Ganges
region of India, the veracity of such legends is tough to measure. For
centuries the origins of the Gypsies were shrouded in mystery. Here
today and gone tomorrow, these banks of dark-skinned nomads with
strange habits aroused the curiosity of sedentary populations, and
many writers constructed a variety of often far-fetched hypotheses in
an attempt to explain the enigma.

In the nineteenth century, although scientific investigation had
already provided the answer, the most fantastic myths were still being
made.

This jumble of ingenious superstitions and shaky hypotheses did not
survive serious study of the language of the Gypsies. As early as
during the Renaissance scholars had some notions of this language, but
they did not connect it to any linguistic group nor locate the area in
which it originated. At the end of the eighteenth century, however,
scholars were able to determine the origin of the Gypsies on the basis
of scientific evidence.

Since then eminent linguists have confirmed the analyses of these
early scholars. The grammar and vocabulary of the language of the
Gypsies are close to those of Sanskrit and to such living languages as
Kashmiri, Hindi, Gujarati, Marathi and Nepali. Modern scholars no
longer doubt that the Gypsies originated in India, but many problems
concerning ethnic group, social class, and the period of their
earliest migrations still need to be elucidated.

Linguistics is the discipline best able to locate the origin of the
Gypsies, but anthropology, medical science and ethnology also have a
contribution to make.

Documentation on the period that may be called "the prehistory of the
Gypsies" is extremely limited. The writers of ancient India were only
interested in gods and kings, and paid scant attention to the people
known as the Zott, the Jat, the Luli, the Nuri, or the Dom. [2]

Today it is known that Romani, the language of the Gypsies, is a
sister language of Sanskrit. This was first proven by a German
philologist, H.M.G. Grellman, in the late eighteenth century, who
conducted a study of Romani words (later consolidated in a fifteen
page catalogue) and compared it to Sanskrit, finding at least a third
of them to be of Hindu origin. Future comparisons yielded the
discovery that the grammatical construction and vocabulary of Romani
very closely resembles that of the language spoken by the Jats, a
nomadic tribe of northwestern India. [3]

Many now believe that the Roma were a group from NorthWest India,
mainly low-caste Sudra, who left India. Many legends suggest they were
banished. These people traveled through the Mid-East, and eventually
reached Europe. There are three main migration periods. The first is
the exodus from India. The second is the movement from the Mid-East to
Europe (mainly the Armenian "Little Egypt" Region). The third has been
post-World War II. The Roma were absolutely destroyed by the Nazi's
who killed them en masse (in fact the death penalty was less stringent
for Jews than for the Roma. If you were 1/4 Jewish, you would be
killed, but if you were 1/16th Roma, you would be put to death). This
was not new, the persecution of the Gypsies began centuries prior to
the 1940's, and was a part of the Northern Europe's cultural heritage
so to speak.

Today, the Roma are dispersed into three categories, based on
geography the Rom (European Roma), Lom (specifically the Armenians),
and Dom (in the Mid-east, specifically Iran). These terms are all
phonetically correspondent to Sanskrit's "domba", or modern Indian
terms like dom or dum.

In Sanskrit domba means “man of low caste living by singing and
music.” In modern Indian tongues the corresponding words have similar
or related meanings: in Lahnda it is “menial”; in Sindhi, “caste of
wandering musician”; in Panjabi, “strolling musician”; in West Pahari
it means “low-caste man.” There are references to the Dom as musicians
from the sixteenth century. The Dom still exist in India; they are
nomads who do a number of jobs: basket-making, smithing, metalworking,
scavenging, music-making. Not surprisingly, many people have leapt on
a Dom theory of origins for the Gypsies.

This also makes sense in a cultural sense, since the Roma have
traditionally been known for two types of work: either art/music
related, or metallurgy. [3] In fact, it is the Roma's metallurgy
ability that has led many to believe they helped educate the world
about the ancient Indian techniques.

By 400 A.D., we see the first mention of the group that would one day
be called the Gypsies. Bahram Gur, Shah of Persia, sends for 10,000
Luri (or Zotts, depending on which translation) to be brought from the
borders of India into his court. These Zotts were renowned musicians
and dancers at this time. They became favorites of the Persian court,
to the point that once the Caliphs took over, the Zotts (derivation of
Jatts perhaps) were moved to Antioch to keep them away from the courts
in case they were still sympathetic to the deposed Shah.

When they went to Antioch, they took their music, and their cattle.
They were a settled people there, until c. 820 A.D., when they were
forcibly moved from the area to Baghdad, then separated into smaller
groups so as not to cause any more trouble for the Arabs over their
cattle-grazing rights.

By 1050 A.D., the gypsies had made their way to Constantinople and the
rest of the Byzantine Empire. Emperor Monomachus asked the Adsincani
(derived from the Greek "Atsinganoi" which is the root word for
various names that the gypsies are called now, such as Tzigane,
Zincali, etc.) to rid his forests of the wild animals which were
killing off his stock in his hunting preserve. These people were well
known for their ability with animals, along with their proficiency at
metalwork and music.

As the Ottoman Empire spread, so did the gypsies. They are recorded in
Serbia in 1348, Bulgaria in 1378 and can be documented in Hungary in
1383. The Ottomans were actually the first to refer to the gypsies as
"Egyptians" in 1396 in what is now Bulgaria. These were a useful and
well-received people in the Middle East and Eastern Europe during this
time on the whole. The only place that this could not be said was true
was in Romania. In 1385 there is the first record of gypsy slaves. But
even then, they were coveted all over for their abilities in
metalwork, music and animal handling. They also became well known as
proficient mercenaries for hire, their prowess on the field legendary
in Hungary and Romania, both fighting for the Turks and against them.

In 1407, everything changed for the gypsies. Historians are divided as
to how they came up with the idea to go to Western Europe as penitent
pilgrims. To the gypsies, this "pilgrimage" is known as the Hakko
Baro, or the Great Game/Scam [4]. They appeared outside of the gates
of Hildesheim, Germany, with letters from King Sigismund, the Holy
Roman Emperor, granting them safe passage through all lands under his
domain. From there, they traveled to Italy, telling their story to the
Pope, who in turn gave them letters of safe passage and a letter
stating that all dioceses that these people come across would give
them money and food.

When they showed up with these letters outside the gates of Paris in
1427, they caused quite a commotion. An alderman wrote in his journal
of their approach to the gates, with the "barely clad women" telling
people’s fortunes, and their men dressed in scarlet, daring you to
ignore them. All in their traveling group stayed outside the gates but
for their leaders, who presented the letters to the authorities in the
city.

Once they appeared in Western Europe, opinions began to change on how
useful and alike to others the Gypsies were. In Eastern Europe and
Germany, you see legislation begin to be passed forbidding gypsies
entry into certain towns. The reasoning behind these laws was to quell
the idea that they gypsies were Turkish spies and traitors to whatever
country they were in at the time. Unfortunately, all this seemed to do
was incite more and more suspicion, which eventually made the Gypsies
second-class citizens in most Europeans eyes.

By the mid-16th century, the gypsies were not even safe in Turkish-
controlled lands. What was different here was the fact that the
settled Gypsies were the ones being persecuted here, instead of the
nomadic Gypsies. They were taxed heavily, and "persuaded" to convert
to Islam, sometimes being imprisoned and/or killed for not converting.

From this time period on, Gypsies become outcasts, with the peak of
dehumanization and torture appearing during World War II with the
Final Solution encompassing Gypsies along with Jews. Along with the
human loss from that time, we also lost many of the people who
actually may have been able to answer some of the questions that
historians still pose today as to the origins of this people. [4]

To the Roma the persecution during the 1940's is as important as it is
to the Jews. The Romani Anthem (International Roma organizations have
attempted to codify Roma culture in an attempt to unite the various
groups. The Roma now have an anthem, as well as a flag that contains a
16 spoke -as opposed to the Indian 24 spoke- Chakra) articulates the
troubled history of these people [5]:

I went, I went on long roads
I met happy Roma
O Roma where do you come from,
With tents on happy roads?
O Roma, O fellow Roma

I once had a great family,
The Black Legions* murdered them
Come with me Roma from all the world
For the Romani roads have opened
Now is the time, rise up Roma now,
We will rise high if we act

O Roma, O fellow Roma

*(the Black Legions refers to the Black uniformed SS, Gestapo as well
as the "Death's Head Battalion" concentration camp units).

Today the Roma are trying to reach out to their past, and understand
themselves better. Freedom after the fall of the Soviet Bloc has
created an impetus to learn more about themselves. Clearly this has
led them to turn their sights and hearts towards India. It is
important for us Indians, and specifically us Hindus, to reach out to
this community. They are a great example of the plight of Indians
around the world. They have endured persecution from the Arabs, the
Nazis and have been sent on Slave-ships to the Americas. They have
inhabited most of the world at some point, and have been ambassadors
of Indian culture and science. They are known for their metallurgy,
and their music, two talents India has always been known for as well.
For many Roma a new identity, which one might call “Hindupen” is
growing out of an unprecedented pride in origins. [3]

In conclusion, I would like to suggest we have an appreciation for
these people, who even today, are ridiculed and derided. The term
"Gypsy" has a bad connotation, and is of ill-repute. It is best to
know more about them, if for nothing at least to learn more about our
own ancient land, which they proudly believe to be their own as well.

References:

[1] http://www.dancers-archive.com/med-dance/legends.txt
[2] http://www.geocities.com/Paris/5121/homeland.htm
[3] http://pages.slc.edu/~badams/GIFandJPEG/Hindupenpage.htm
[4] http://www.florilegium.org/files/CULTURES/Gypsies-art.html
[5] http://www.geocities.com/Paris/5121/gelem.htm

http://www.swaveda.com/articles.php?action=show&id=31

http://thetruthwholetruthandnothingbuttruth.blogspot.com/2010/04/not-required-indian-nri-sid-harth.html

...and I am Sid Harth
and/or www.mantra.com/jai (Dr. Jai Maharaj)
2010-04-11 03:11:39 UTC
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Radiation source Cobalt-60: Experts

By K. P. Singh and T. N. Raghunatha
The Pioneer
Saturday, April 10, 2010

Indraprasth aka New Delhi, and Mumbai - Identifying the radionuclide
responsible for high-level radiation witnessed in Mayapuri locality
on Thursday evening as Cobalt-60, the Department of Atomic Energy
(DAE) said on Friday evening that the radiation level had come down
to normal and the situation in the affected area was under control.

However, experts did not rule out the presence of large quantities
the radioactive substance hidden under the heaps of scrap in the
Mayapuri market. Senior police officials confirmed that they had
discovered a similar substance in a godown, some 400m away from the
spot where five persons suffered severe injuries following the
emission of radiation.

Even though harmful elements were safely removed from the area,
officials could not confirm from where the radioactive substance had
come. Initiating a probe into the matter, a case under Section 336 of
IPC against unknown persons has been registered.

A piece of radioactive Cobalt-60, which looked like a watch, was
found on Thursday evening in Deepak Jain's scrap shop (D-32). Jain, a
resident of Uttam Nagar, and his four workers were severely injured
after they came in contact with the object. His workers -- Ram Jivan
(30), Ram Kalap (30), Rajender (300 and Gorakh (20) -- are fighting
for their lives in Deen Dayal Upadhyay Hospital (DDU).

After five persons were hospitalised following exposure to radiation
in the Mayapuri area, a team of officers from DAE and Atomic Energy
Regulatory Board (AERB) searched the affected area all through
Thursday night and till Friday afternoon.

"By forenoon of Friday, several pieces of radioactive material could
be located. They were removed and packed in shielded containers....
The situation is under control. The radioactive material in the
shielded containers has already been shifted out of the affected area
and the radiation in the entire area has come down to normal
background level," Head of DAE's Public Awareness Division SK
Malhotra said in a statement in Mumbai. Contd on Page 4

According to Malhotra, the radionuclide -- Cobalt-60 -- responsible
for high radiation field witnessed in Mayapuri locality in the
national Capital is one such source used in industry for radiography,
nucleonic gauges for thickness measurement and in medical
applications.

Malhotra denied that the Mayapuri radiation exposure had anything to
do with any of the DAE facilities.

The officials belonging to the two nuclear establishments monitored
the radiation levels between the afternoon and evening of Wednesday
within the scrap shop and adjoining areas. While the shop -- the
owner of which was exposed to high level of radiation -- was in the
high radiation field, four more nearby shops also indicated high
radiation fields. The team located the sources of radiation and
isolated one of the sources and shielded the source with locally
available scrap materials. This was done to reduce radiation levels
in the surrounding areas," Malhtora said.

Meanwhile, according to doctors, Deepak Jain's bone marrow is
‘significantly suppressed' and his condition continues to be serious.
He is in the ICU and a multi-disciplinary team of doctors is
monitoring his condition. Jain's relative Rajesh said, "His health
began deteriorating 10 days ago. He complained of nausea and
headache. At first, he was admitted to Kalra Hospital but later he
was shifted to the AIIMS, thanks to his poor economic condition.
AIIMS authorities refused to admit him and finally with the help from
neighbours he is undergoing treatment at Apollo Hospital."

Meanwhile, Deepak Jain's neighbour Himanshu Jain too developed
similar symptoms and was admitted to the AIIMS late on Friday
evening. Himanshu was with Deepak when he was admitted to Apollo.

Confirming the presence of one more piece of Cobalt-60 in the
vicinity, Deputy Commissioner of Police (West) Sharad Aggarwal said
that the substance was traced by a team of atomic experts. "Experts
from the BARC, Narora Atomic Power Plant in Uttar Pradesh and Atomic
Energy Regulatory Board (AERB) reached the spot on Friday morning to
identify the mysterious object. They first located the object and
then identified it with their sophisticated equipments. Later, the
entire area was scanned carefully which led to the recovery of a
similar object from a nearby godown. The experts removed it safely in
another container. The area has been declared safe," said the DCP.

Aggarwal said the police were informed about the matter around 8.30
pm on Thursday by the officers of the AERB. "They told the police
that the scrap dealer has been exposed to the radioactive material
and is admitted to Apollo Hospital. Later, it was learnt that four of
Jain's staff, who were also affected by the radiation, were admitted
to DDU Hospital. Acknowledging the seriousness of the situation, the
area was cordoned-off till the experts removed the radioactive
substance safely on Friday," he added.

Jain had apparently bought the material about ten days ago and had
kept it inside the shop. "Jain was exposed to the radiation more as
he used to sit inside the shop for maximum time. As a result of
radiation, his hands and other body parts turned black. He hasn't so
far regained his consciousness." According to Aggarwal, the experts
took away the radioactive substance to the Narora plant for
inspection.

Cobalt-60 is a hard, lustrous, grey metal. Cobalt-based colours and
pigments have been used since ancient times for jewellery and paints.
"Cobalt-60 is used in fabrication work, especially for welding steel
which has higher thickness, though normally Iridium-192 is used for
welding of less thick steel," said BB Bhattacharya, member of
National Disaster Management Authority and former Director of BARC.
He said it is also used in treatment of cancer.

"There could be many ways through which it reached Mayapuri. Huge
quantum of scrap is imported daily and it is difficult to check each
and every thing. Although it is said that it has reached from
Faridabad, it can't be confirmed," said a police official on the
condition of anonymity, adding the substance could have come from
local hospitals. "This element is commonly used in the treatment of
cancer. After use, the substance is preserved carefully, as the
hospitals do not have technology to destroy it," he added.

Even local shop owners are unaware of the source of the material.
Neeraj Jain, a scrap dealer, said, "It depends on people from where
they take scrap."

http://dailypioneer.com/248210/Radiation-source-Cobalt-60-Experts.html

More at:
http://www.dailypioneer.com

Jai Maharaj, Jyotishi
Om Shanti

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Caste, Cast in Stone: Sid Harth

Kunbi
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Castes of India

Maratha Kunbi
Classification Hindu Kshatriya
Religions Hinduism

Language Hindi, Chhattisgarhi, Marathi, Konkani, Gujrati, South Indian
languages and dialects
Populated States Northern India, Western India, Central India, South
India
People from the Kunbi (also called Kurmi) community in India belong to
a sub-caste of the Kshatriya varna.[citation needed] The word kunabi
is a generic term equivalent to farmer in English. According to the
great Indian mythology God Rama had two sons one Luv and other Kush.
Luv's successors came to known as lavyas who settled in Kashmir and
later moved towardsTother parts of the country mentioned below .
Successors of kush came to be known as Kushwahas, who basically
setteled in northern plains of India. Ancient Kurmis (then known as
Patidars) formed governing bodies in Gujarat, Maharastra, Sindh,
Kashmir, The Eastern Afghanistan Plains, Indus River Valley, and parts
of Pakistan in pre-mughal times. They became owners of land, and
issued it for farming in pattas. Owners of pattas were called
Patildars or Patidars >> Patel & Patil. Later, they further sub-
divided into many other sub-castes.

In India, societies like Kshatriyas Maratha, Rajput, Yadav, Gujjar,
Raju, and others possess ruling powers but later due to population
expansion and other causes they also worked or lived as farmers and
formed corresponding societies.

Kshatriyas and agriculture

“ "A Kshatriya who has fallen into distress, may subsist by all these
means..." ”
— Laws of Manu, X:95 [1]

As per ancient Hindu texts, agriculture is permissible to Kshatriyas
under special circumstances [1] in the absence of opportunities in the
military and feudal apparatus of a righteous Aryan king. Indeed, the
service in the army of an unrighteous, or a 'Yavana', or a 'Maleccha',
king was the biggest imaginable anathema for a concentious and
observant vedic kshatriya in ancient India. A vedic kshatriya was not
a mercenary soldier but a defender of faith and righteous order
(dharma).

Culture

Some Hindu-Kunbis perform the Upanayana[citation needed] Samskara as
per their family traditions which is as per the original clan they
follow,though it is not a compulsion & at places not considered right
amongst themselves. In the past Kunbis have larger houses - some were
called WADA, some were GADHI (fortressed complex) and some also had
KEELLA (a fort). Most of the historical evidences are managed and
maintained by National (India) and State (Maharashtra) level
government departments, although there are many families who maintain
their own set of documents or evidences as a mark of family assets.
Large scale Kunbi farmers generally maintain large herds of dairy
cattle and a number of horses.

List of famous Maratha Saints

Saint Tukaram A 17th Century popular poet.
Siddharameshwar Maharaj A guru of Nondualism, a saint of Solapur and
guru of Nisargadatta Maharaj and Ranjith Maharaj.
Nisargadatta Maharaj One of the world famous disciples of
Siddharameshwar Maharaj and author of book I Am That.He has many
international disciples who are famous and preach in USA, Europe &
Australia. Some of his disciples are John Wheeler & Bob Adamson.
Rashtra Saint Tukdoji Maharaj A national saint, musician and social
reformer. He wrote Gramgeeta for rural development.

Maratha Kunabi Society

Kunabi Maratha is Cluster of Royal 96 clans and Peasantry Class of
Maharashtra and also Maratha Royalties Proclaimed themeselves farmer
as they were landlords.Royal 96 clans marry among only Maratha Farmers
i.e.Maratha Kunabi ,not other Kunabi's from non-maratha cast.

Kunbis, also known as Kunbi Marathas, are a Maratha sub-caste residing
primarily in provinces of India such as Maharashtra, Madhya Pradesh,
Gujarat, Karnataka etc.

Betul District (Madhya Pradesh) is one of the higher kunbi population
place.

List of other Saints

Shree Saint Gulabrao Maharaj was blind from birth. He preached Vedas
to the Brahmins.
Shree Sant Gadaji Maharaj A saint, visionary leader and social
reformer in 1700. He saved his own village from the mughal occupation
and became famous for his extraordinary leadership and visionary
speeches. Nearly 20 thousand people gather on holy occasions to
remember him.

List of famous Kunbi Marathi Women

Lalita Pawar was a Bollywood actor known as the The Mother of all
mothers-in-law in films. She was born into a rich Yevle family of
Nashik and was married to Raj Prakash Gupta and lived in Pune. She
started her career in silent films in 1928 and acted in more than 500
Hindi and Marathi films.
Smita Patil was a Bollywood actor who was the first Asian cine-star to
have the unique honor of Retrospectives in Paris and La Rochelle, (at
the promptings of no less a film luminary than Director Costa Gavras),
a two-time Best Actress award winner at the National Film Festival
(Bhumika and Chakra) and a Padmashree. She was a keen photographer and
died at the age of 31.
Smt Prabha Rau is now the Governor of Himachal Pradesh and is the
former president of Maharashtra Pradesh Congress Committie. She is a
sports person and has represented Maharashtra in the long jump, high
jump, hurdles, discus throw and running. She is also a musician, and
holds a Masters degree in Politics and Music.
Smt Kumud Pawade was a renowned Sanskrit scholar, author and a
professor. She was born in Nagpur in 1938 into a Mahar family
considered to be untouchable before the 1950s. She married Motiram
Pawade a social worker who was from a Maratha family. She was also the
president of All India Progressive Woman's Organization.
Mrs Ujjwala Raut-Sterry is India's most accomplished supermodel now
settled in the US. She has won awards in both India and
internationally for her performance as a model. Born and brought up in
Mumbai, she is married to British film producer Craig Maxwell Sterry.
She has also been on the cover of Time magazine.
'Miss India Sayali Bhagat', A famous bollywood actress is from Nasik

List of famous Kunbi Men

Yashaskara, King of KashmirDynasties of Ancient Kashmir. After the
Utpala dynasty, a Yashaskara became king. (V 469). He was a great-
grandson of a Viradeva, a Kutumbi (V 469). He was from the kutumbi
group (also known as kurmis of UP and Kunbis of Gujarat/Maharashtra)
and the son of a treasurer of Karkota Shamkaravarman.
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Dynasties_of_Ancient_Kashmir#The_Dynasties
Shri Shivajirao Adhalrao Patil His father was a small scale farmer and
Shivajirao as a child used to sell vegetables in Mumbai. At one time
he even struggled to get daily bread. He got his first job as a peon
in Zenith Computers a software company based in Mumbai. With his
company owner's support, he started taking part time classes in
English. This company was a turning point for him and later on he
started his own company Dynalog Limited, that supplies electronics
good to Defense, Education and Industries. Shivajirao's company has
now grown into famous venture well known in India and Internationally.
Shivajirao has won numerous awards for his achievement both at state
and national level. Due to trouble faced him in getting education
during his childhood, he started a school for kids. Besides being a
Industrialist he is a Member of Parliament from Shiv Sena.
Dr Shrikant Jichkar, MP, Member of Rajya Sabha, Cabinet Minister of
Maharashtra holds 20 postgraduate degrees. He has obtained 28 Gold
Medals. Between 1972 and 1990 he wrote 42 University Examinations. He
was also IPS officer and IAS officer. At 25 years of age, he became
the Youngest MLA in India. He was also leading Indian delegations on
several forums including the UNO, UNESCO. He is founder of Kavi
Kulaguru Kalidas (India's firstSanskrit University). He is Managing
Editor of Nagpur Times and Nagpur Patrika and Founding Chairman of
National Institute of Amateur Radio. (The Guinness World Records lists
him as 'Politician with most qualifications'. He was the first Non-
Brahmin to be awarded the Dixit Title)
Sandeep Patil is a cricket player and former coach of the Kenya
Cricket Team that reached World Cup Semi-Finals in 2003. He had a
record for six fours in a cricket over.
Barrister S. K. Wankhede is a former BCCI President and State
Minister. He was married to the late Smt Kusumtai (from a Brahmin
family) who greatly contributed to his career success. Due to his
contribution to Indian cricket a stadium was named after him.
Shri Anant Geete is a Member of Parliament and former Union Minister
of Power. He is involved in power reforms that started during orthodox
BJP Led-NDA central government. He belongs to Konkan Region.
Shri Datta Meghe is Educationists, Member of Parliament, Rajya Sabha.
He runs several educational institutes in Mumbai and Central India.
Dr Atul Gawande is a second generation Harvard professor and doctor,
who is also a columnist in US. He was a student at Stanford and Oxford.
[1]
http://www.hsph.harvard.edu/faculty/atul-gawande/
Late Dwarkanath Laxman Mhaskar known as Dadasaheb was the President of
Tillori Kunbi Maratha Samaj (Mumbai). He has worked with his father
Late Laxman Krishnaji Mhaskar in Govt central press, Mumbai when the
freedom movement started, he later gave his resignation and got
involved in to the movement. He was even attached with various school
and colleges, as donor and committee member. He was vice president of
Mumbai Sharirik Shikshan Mandal Headed by Late Appa Samant(Fanas wadi
Koliwadi). Also he had formed Maharashtara Rajya Hu-tu-tu Maha Mandal.
He has arranged many tournaments in Mumbai and Rest of the state. He
had formed Shreerang Co-operative Housing Society Limited, with help
of Late S K Wankhede,(Former State Finance Minister) and Sumati Devi
Dhanavte (M.L.A.)frm Nagpur. This was the biggest Housing Society in
India. He even participated in the separation of Mumbai region from
Sanyukta Maharashtra. He even went to jail during this movement. Govt
of Maharashtra awarded him as Justice of Peace for 35 years. He has
traveled abroad for many social seminar in many countries. He died in
May 88 in Thane. Facts by Anant Dwarkanath Mhaskar and Amar Anant
Mhaskar.
Rajnikanth (Birth Name:Shivaji Rao Gaekwad) also known as Super star
is a famous Indian film actor. He is the second highest paid actor in
Asia after Jackie Chan. He is a follower of Raghavendra Swami.
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Rajnikanth
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jackie_Chan
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Raghavendra_Swami
Harish Raut (1925–2002) was born in Bordi. He was one of the best
painters and his paintings appear in national galleries, government
offices, museums in India and abroad and on greeting cards. He has won
several state and national awards for his painting. His paintings
mainly focus on rural life in India. His natural skill was identified
and furthered by Government of Maharashtra.

Anil Mahajan Pandagre A Youngest person a famous Socialworkar &
Administer kunbi community webparchayika ...[2] At present he is
active kunbi,s Data collection in India.
http://www.lonarikunbi.in/
Dr. R B Thakare Former adviser to World Bank and Asian Development
Bank. He obtained his PhD from University of California, Berkly. He is
a widely recognized expert in the field of [Agriculture]. He has
number of publications in international journals and is a Board of
Member on various universities and institutes in India. At present he
is active in India solving farmers problems.
Dr. Panjabrao Deshmukh was a famous social reformer, educationists and
freedom fighter in Vidarbha. He was the founder of Shivaji Education
Society at Amravati and was a Union Minister of Agriculture in Pandit
Nehru's government. He completed his Ph.D at University of Cambridge.
He returned to India was involved in reforms and was also associated
with Dr Bhimrao Ambedkar.
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Panjabrao_Deshmukh
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/University_of_Cambridge
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bhimrao_Ambedkar



Sanjay Raut A famous Shiv Sena member and a journalist by profession.
He is the Editor of Shiv Sena daily news paper Saamna. He is also a
Member of Parliament.
Aditya Raut Youngest person in the world to swim across five
continental channels [3]
Shaheed Major Manishi Pitambare recipient of Kranti Chakra, died in
Kashmir valley while fighting with militants was from Murabad in Thane
District



[edit] Demographics

Historical social Structure in Central India


Kunbis of Maharashtra are known as Marathas as they form the farming
section of Marathas. Kunbis from Maharashtra have a 12 and 1/2 (also
known as Saade Bara) clan system. The 12 clans predominantly consist
of Indo-Aryan races and 1/2 part consists of other clans. Names of
clans are listed below [4]

Dhanoje - Located in Vidarbha region. Mainly farming. Few Dhanoje
kunbi's are very rich in Chandrapur region. Many of them have started
education institutes in vidarbha region. They are mainly into farming
and but with time youth of this caste is now well educated and settled
in other parts of country and in foreign countries. Strong presence in
the politics of Vidarbha region especially Amarawati, Chandrapur,
Yeotmal.
Tirale, most prosperous caste in number of parts of Maharashtra and
now dominant in politics in Vidarbha and Khandesh. (Tirale is the most
ancient of all the sub castes and represents the Rajputs from Therol
from Rajputana)[5][6]
Lonari (Farming,business)
Vandhekars (i.e Deshmukhs) and Jadhav (administration, business,
farming and now politically dominant)
Ahire,
Bawne:located in Bhandara and Nagpur district. Mainly farmer community
and well learned and works in govt. and private firms. Dominant as
population wise in most of the villages in Bhandara and Kuhi tahsil,
Ramtek and Umred tahsil villages.
Vanjari and Dhanoje (money lenders, business and farming)
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Vanjari_(caste)
Lonare, Zade, Beldar, Ghatole, Killedar and Dhakane http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Beldar
Mana, Kare, Karadi and Khedule and Dait
Khaire and Jungli (tribals involved in farming)
Jadhavs with surnames Sonar, sonare, khapare, dhuldhar, bhurkunde,
Tatte, Bhad, Deshmukh reside mainly in Vidharbha specially in western
regions like Amaravati.
Valte:Located in Vijapur (Duparepada)in Wada Tehsil & Thane
District...Have only one family byt now it is distributed into the 4-5
families at Duparepada,Kudus,Sarshi & supegaon...Mahesh Valte
Bhowad, sud

See also

Kunabi Sena http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kunabi_Sena
Kherlanji Massacre http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kherlanji_Massacre
see also kurmi http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kurmi
see also Kapu http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kapu_Caste
see also Gurjar http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Gurjar
see also Kudumbi http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kudumbi

References
^ a b Laws of Manu, Chapter X, Verses 90, 95, 116

[edit] External links

Kshatriya lonari kunbi Samaj [7] http://www.lonarikunbi.in/
Patidar Samaj Online [8] http://www.patidarsamajofne.org/history.html
Marathi Leva Samaj [9] http://marathilevasamaj.org/
Global Kurmi Group [10] http://www.kurmigroup.org/
Patidar Samaj [11] http://www.patidarsamaj.org/
OBC INFORMATION by SHAILENDRA WAGADRE APAAX AT www.obcguru.com [12]
http://www.obcguru.com/

Retrieved from "http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kunbi"

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kunbi

HOME PAGEOBC CENTRAL GOVTOBC STATE GOVTSSCHOLARSHIPS & Q/AGUESTBOOK/
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http://www.obcguru.com/uploads/Creamy_layer_corrections_in_Rule_V___VI_on_ncbc_website.pdf
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•3. 27% OBC RESERVATION (ADMISSION): CENTRAL ACT-2006, 04.01.2007
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•8. CREAMY LAYER CRITERIAs (MAPDAND) 08.09.1993 {Hindi} NCBC
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•9. CREAMY LAYER CLARIFICATIONS 14.10.2004 {English} MOP
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•14. CENTRAL LIST OF OBC CASTES, STATE-WISE {English} NCBC
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•18. OBC CASTE CRTIFICATE FORMAT CENTRAL {IIT JEE 2010}
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http://www.obcguru.com/uploads/Migration_from_other_states_issue_of_central__OBC_cert._8.4.1994.pdf
•23. OBC CERTIFICATE FORMAT FOR MIGRANTS OF OTHER STATES(PAGE14)
http://cisf.nic.in/RECRUITMENT_files/NOTIFICATION%20%20for%20ctdr%20and%20ctdcpo%20ENGLISH.pdf
•24. OBC CERT. SHOULD BE IN PRESCRIBED FORMAT ONLY 02.09.09 {ENG}
http://www.persmin.nic.in/writedata/CircularNotification/ScanDocument/36011_3_2009-Estt.(Res.)1.pdf
•25. OBC CERT. SHOULD BE IN PRESCRIBED FORMAT ONLY 02.09.09 {HINDI}
http://www.persmin.nic.in/writedata/CircularNotification/ScanDocument/36011_3_2009-Estt.(Res.)1-H.pdf
•26. COMPENDIAM OF OBC CIRCULARS BY MINISTRY OF PERSONNEL PART-III
http://www.persmin.nic.in/writedata/CircularNotification/ScanDocument/indexForReservation.htm
•27. AGE RELAXATION (3 YEAR) FOR OBC IN RECRUITMENT 09.12.93 (P 20)
http://www.obcguru.com/uploads/obc_OM_Order_s_Central_cremylayer_etc.pdf
28. SUPREME COURT JUDGEMENT ON OBC RESERVATION IN CENTRAL EDUCATIONAL
INSTITUTIONS ADMISSION 10.04.2008 & IT'S HIGHLIGHTS
http://obcreservation.net/ver2/
•29. HRD O.M.s AFTER COURT'S ORDER FOR IMPLEMENTATION OF OBC
RESERVATION IN CENTRAL EDUCATIONAL INSTITUTIONS 20.04.2008
http://education.nic.in/HigherEdu/OM_OBCreservation_CEIs.pdf
•30. SUPREME COURT 05.04.06- "OBCs SELECTED IN GENERAL SEATS SHALL NOT
BE COUNTED IN 27% QUOTA & WILL BE TREATED AS GENERAL CANDIDATE EVEN IF
THEY GET SEAT/SERVICE ALLOTMENT IN 27% QUOTA"
http://www.obcguru.com/uploads/obc_merit_candidates_supreme_court_dec_05042006__W07__blue.pdf
•31. OBCs SELECTED IN GENERAL....(DETAIL BY "YOUTH 4 REAL EQUALITY")
http://upsc-cse2007.blogspot.com/
•32. VEERAPPA MOILEE OVERSIGHT COMMITTEE REPORT ON IMPLEMENTATION OF
27% OBC RESERVATION WITH ENHANCEMENT OF 54% SEATS IN CENTRAL
EDUCATIONAL INSTITUTIONS
http://oversightcommittee.gov.in/ocrep.pdf
•33. ANNUAL REPORT, NATIONAL COMM. FOR BACKWARD CLASSES 2003-04
http://www.obcguru.com/uploads/annual_report_NCBC_2003-2004.pdf
•34. ANNUAL REPORT, NATIONAL COMM. FOR BACKWARD CLASSES-2007-08
http://ncbc.nic.in/annual.pdf
•35. NACHIPPAN PARLIAMENTRY COMMITTEE REPORT ON RESERVATION
http://obcreservation.net/ver2/
•36. HOW TO GET OBC STATUS IN CENTRAL (INCLUSION IN CENTRAL LIST OF
OBCs)
http://obcreservation.net/ver2/reservation-mainmenu-9/communication-mainmenu-115/131-how-to-get-reservation-in-obc-state-list-ob-obcs-rj-included-vishnoi-on-2582009.html

No of visitors since Dec 2009

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General Secretary APAAX (since98)
NB-69, AB Type Colony, MPSEB, SARNI (MP). Queries welcomed, without
hesitation on......
***@gmail.com or ***@rediffmail.com or 09425003700 (Mob.)
or 07146277477 (Res.)

FREE CALL BACK FACILITY ON MOBILE/PHONES.

http://www.obcguru.com/

The Kunbi (alternate names of Reddi and Desai) are a prominent
community of Karnataka. They can also be found in Tamil Nadu, Andhra
Pradesh, Pondicherry, Karnataka, Kerala, Orissa and Maharashtra.
However, traditionally the Reddy belong to the fourth of the Hindu
Varnas, Sudra. One section of the Reddy is called Kapu which means
guardian.

The majority of the Kunbi communities are non-vegetarian, and all the
communities take rice as their staple cereals. Jowar, wheat, bajra and
ragi are the other cereals for them.

The Kunbi community have social divisions such as clans, lineage,
subcastes and sects. These social divisions regulate marital
alliances. They speak the Kannada and Telugu languages.

Among the Kunbi people, cross-cousin marriages of both types are
allowed. Widow remarriage is not permitted. Being a dominant
community, the Reddy have been primarily landlords and landholders.
Social control is regulated through traditional caste and village
councils.

The traditional occupation of most of the Reddy groups is settled
cultivation, followed by animal husbandry and labour. Both men and
women smoke a homemade cheroot (chutta) which results a high incidence
of mouth and throat cancer.

They are Hindu by faith and worship many deities. Their main festivals
are Ugadi, Akshade and Dussehra. They play bhajans and kirtans.

Alternate names: Kapu, Akutota, Desai, Dommari, Guruda, Illela,
Kuruva, Musugu, Nadi Taram, Panta, Sajjana, Renati, etc.

GeographySubmit Update:

Country: India
Continent: Asia
Region: South Asia
Persecution Rank: 26 (Only top 50 ranked, 1 = highest persecution
ranking)
10/40 Window: Yes
Population in this Country: 15,810,000
Largest States: Maharashtra (6,871,000) Gujarat (6,811,000)
Madhya Pradesh (890,000) Andhra Pradesh (834,000)
Rajasthan (460,000) Tamil Nadu (343,000)
Goa (188,000) Orissa (179,000)
Karnataka (137,000) Daman and Diu (29,000)

Total States on file: 29

PeopleSubmit Update:

People Name in Country: Kunbi
People Name General: Kunbi
Alternate People Names: Amin Atte Kunbi
Desai Kambatti
Kamma Reddiyar Kulwadi
Kurmar Kutumbika
Manuru Nagale
Nagiga Patidar
Reddi Reddy

ROP3 Code: 112706
Joshua Project People ID: 17325
Population in this Country: 15,810,000
Population all Countries: 15,824,000
Least-Reached: Yes

Ethnicity

Affinity Bloc: South Asian Peoples
People Cluster: Gujarati
People Name General: Kunbi
Ethnic Code: CNN25r
Ethnic Relationships: Affinity Bloc -> People Cluster -> Peoples
Ethnicity Tree

LanguageSubmit Update:

Primary Language: Gujarati (6,104,000 Speakers)
Language Code (16th): guj Ethnologue Listing
Language Code (14th): GJR
Secondary Languages: Marathi (5,068,000) Hindi (936,000)
Konkani, Goan (428,000) Kachchi (258,000)
Konkani (192,000) Khandesi (166,000)
Nimadi (122,000) Oriya (116,000)
Marwari (101,000) Kannada (99,000)
Ahirani (76,000) Dhanki (39,000)
Malvi (37,000) Mewari (27,000)
Saurashtra (24,000) Dhundari (19,000)
Chhattisgarhi (8,400) Shekhawati (5,700)
Kui (5,100) Bengali (4,700)
Tamil (3,100) Sindhi (2,800)
Malayalam (2,100) Tulu (1,500)
Hadothi (900) Bagheli (600)
Telugu (300) Kuvi (200)
Kanauji (100) Bhili (100)
Pengo (30) Naga, Inpui (Unknown)
Kharia (Unknown) Naga, Mao (Unknown)
Santali (Unknown) Ho (Unknown)
Urdu (Unknown)

Total Languages Spoken: 38

Kunbi of India

* Notes:

•Significant effort is made to match photos with people groups. In
most cases the photo source has identified the people group. However,
in some instances when the exact people group is not identified Joshua
Project has made educated attempts at matching. As a result some
photos may be representative of the people cluster rather than the
specific people group. Mismatches are the fault of Joshua Project, not
the photographer. Please contact us if you believe a photo is not
matched with the correct people group.
•Percentages may be printed as '0.00%' because of space limitations,
but some are slightly greater than zero.
•The exactness of the above numbers can be misleading. Numbers can
vary by several percentage points or more.
•People group population figures are now maintained as a percentage of
the national population. Click here for details.
•Joshua Project does not have specific ministry activity data
supporting each of the "Progress Indicators."
•Discrepancies may exist between "Other Progress Indicators" because
of the varying sources of information.
•Joshua Project does not know the exact content of web audio
recordings. In general they are Bible reading and teaching.
•As on-site realities are understood, barriers of acceptance may be
found in many of the larger people groups that will require multiple
distinct church planting efforts.
•This data may contain errors and needs continual correcting and
updating. Click here to send feedback.

http://www.joshuaproject.net/peopctry.php?rop3=112706&rog3=IN

http://navanavonmilita.wordpress.com/

...and I am Sid Harth
navanavonmilita
2010-04-11 12:09:21 UTC
Permalink
India Ink: Sid Harth

Kolis
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

The Koli community is an ethnic group found throughout India. Kolis
are found in Maharashtra, Gujarat, Andhra Pradesh and rest of India.
In Maharashtra they are found in the coastal regions of Maharashtra.
They are also one of the original inhabitants of Greater Mumbai, which
comprises the seven islands of Bombay [1]. In Gujarat, the Koli
community is mainly located in the southern portion of the state,
particularly around the cities of Surat, Navsari and Valsad. Most are
farmers or fishers, as in Mumbai and Maharashtra.

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Maharashtra
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Gujarat
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Andhra_Pradesh
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Greater_Mumbai
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Seven_islands_of_Bombay
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Gujarat
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Surat
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Navsari
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Valsad

In Maharashtra the Kolis almost exclusively speak Marathi language,
though some Koli communities speak a variant dialect of Marathi. The
Kolis of Mumbai are dispersed all over the city, especially along the
western coast of the city. The Kolis of Vasai are Hindu and Christian,
though both belong to the Marathi ethnic group. The community has
several subcastes , the prominent ones are Koli kolis, Mangela Kolis,
Vaity kolis, Christian Kolis, Mahadeo kolis, Suryawanshi kolis.

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Vasai
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Marathi_people
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mangela_Kolis

In 1901 the number of Kolis in all India was returned as nearly 3.75
million, but this total includes a distinct weaving caste of Kolis or
Kori in northern India.

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kori_(people)

Weaving caste of Kolis or Koris in Northern India located in Rajasthan
( Mahawar koli ) ,UP , MP.Now few of them has kept Verma or Gupta as
their surname.

Weaving caste of Kolis or Koris in Northern India located in Rajasthan
( Mahawar koli ) ,UP , MP.Now few of them has kept Verma or Gupta as
their surname.

The estimate of Koli population in Gujarat is based on 1931
enumeration which is the last time caste based enumeration was taken
in India.


The estimate of Koli population in Gujarat is based on 1931
enumeration which is the last time caste based enumeration was taken
in India.

Ekveera

Kolis from around Mumbai worship the goddess Ekveera situated at the
Karla caves, Malavli, Lonavla. This goddess is worshipped the most on
Chaitra Purnima (15th day of first month in the Hindu calendar).

Koli goddess ,Ekveera Devi

Maharshi Valmik

Kolis from around Maharashtra worship the writer of Ramayana, Maharshi
Valmiki.

File:Bha.gif

History

When Bombay was a dumbbell-shaped combination of 7 islands tapering,
at the centre, to a narrow shining strand beyond which could be seen
the finest and largest natural harbour in Asia. Kolbhat, Palva Bunder,
Dongri, Mazagaon, Naigaum and Worli were among the islands the Kolis
gave their names to. Kolbhat was distorted to Colaba; Palva Bunder
became Apollo Bunder. The temple to Mumbadevi in Dongri gave rise to
the name of the city. One of the smaller islands near Colaba,
variously called Old Man's Island and Old Woman's Island, was a
distortion of the Arab name Al-Omani, given for the same fishers who
ranged as far away as the Gulf of Oman.

The development of the modern city slowly marginalised these people of
the sea. They were removed from Dongri already in 1770 by the East
India Company. This historical process of elimination eventually
pushed them to the strand near Cuffe Parade, from where they plied
their ancient trade of deep water fishing. The Backbay reclamation of
the 60's would have further marginalised them had they not approached
the courts to stay the reclamation. Now their settlements are
protected by law. The places where the koli communities places called
Koliwada. You will find these koliwadas from mumbai city to its
suburbs. There is also a railway station called Koliwada on the
central railway horbour line route whose name was replaced with Guru
Tegh Bahadur Nagar .

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Koliwada

In Marathi, Koli means the originally heterogeneous marginal tribe-
castes that took late in history to agriculture and were often press-
ganged for porterage in army service. The same word also means spider
and fisher, presumably because both make and use a net to catch prey.

Koli folk dance & songs

The koli community has its own distinct identity and lively dances.
The dance incorporates elements that this community is most familiar
with - sea and fishing. The dance is performed by both men and women
divided into two groups, where fishers stand in two rows holding oars
in their hands. The dancers move in unison, portraying the movement of
the rowing of a boat. Fisherwomen are in the opposite rows with their
arms linked and advancing towards men folk. The separate formation
then break up and they dance together with movements symbolizing the
waves, the breakers and rowing from cliff to cliff and casting of nets
to catch the fish.

There are many koli songs which are famous all over India. Some known
once are as follows. Aga Pori Sambhaal Dariyala Tufaan Ayalay Bhari;
Gorya wer Basali ; Me Hai Koli ; Chikna Chikna ; Dang Ding ; Lal lal
pagote ; Chandnan Chandnya ; Dirki la bombil; Maza Kombra ; Me
Dolker ; Haldin Bharlay ; Dol Doltai ; Nach go Nach ; Galyat
Sakali ; Paru go Paru ; Lai Lai Liakarni ; Gomu Tuze Dadan Go; Vadal
Wara ; Valav re Nakva ;

Koli Festivals

Narali punaw: This is “The day” for kolis. As per traditions kolis
know that after this day the wind strength and direction changes in
favor of fishing. This is the day when kolis celebrate the kick off of
new business season. This is the day when they pray to god sea and
make puja of their boats and begins their fishing season. There are
songs for this occession as..san aaila go narali punvecha...

Shimga - Shimaga means holi in koli accent haa-wa-li. Holi and Koli
goes long way. It is one of the most important Festival for Kolis.
There are many koli songs for this occession

See also

Koli Christians http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Koli_Christians
Koli samaj
Mahor samaj
Akhil Bhartiya Koli samaj
Mahawar koli samaj
ekveera

References

^ 7 islands of Bombay
This article incorporates text from the Encyclopædia Britannica,
Eleventh Edition, a publication now in the public domain.

External links

Kolis of Mumbai http://www.indiaprofile.com/lifestyle/kolis.htm
Koli Samaj of Gujarat
Koli Samaj/Koli Parivar http://www.koliparivar.com/
Koli Dance http://www.maharashtratourism.net/culture-lifestyle/dances/koli-dance.html
Koli Songs
Hit Koli Songs
More Koli Songs http://www.loksangeet.com/marathimusic/categories.php?cat_id=1
Koli geete in marathi http://indianmp3.in/?option=com_content&task=view&id=1195&Itemid=177
Loading Image...
[1]
Hotels in Mumbai
Retrieved from "http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kolis"

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kolis

Kolis - A Fishy People

The Kolis-fisherfolk-of Mumbai are a distinct community. In Their
dress, their language, their food and their lifestyle they are easily
distinguishable. Especially the economically independent Koli women
who are aggressive to the point of being quarrelsome.

Blocking the exit of the ladies compartment in the local train,
dressed traditionally in their bright patterned sarees, noisily
exchanging greetings, are the fisherwomen who squat on the floor of
the train with their huge baskets of the fish. Working women hold
their neatly pleated, flowing sarees well above their ankles as they
gingerly tip-toe around them to avoid any close encounter with the
fishy kind. If you hold your nose close to the offensive smell, the
fisherwomen range in annoyance and God help you if you dare to object
to the presence of her stinking fish in the commuters compartment.
She’ll not merely threaten to douche you with fish water but I have
been witness to a wrathful fisherwoman fling a fish rather accurately
at a very well dressed young woman reducing her to tears!

Kolis, as the fisherfolk are known in Mumbai, are known to be easily
excitable. Even an ordinary conversation between them often leads to a
noisy quarrel in which abuses are easily exchanged. An exaggeration it
may be but the statement is not inaccurate, that ‘a Koli sentence
never begins without a vulgar epithet.’ Rather pleased with her
aggressive image is the kolin and in the regional Marathi language
kolin has become a synonym for an ‘abusive quarrelsome woman’. The
kolis speak a local variation of Konkani which is a dialect of
Marathi.

The Kolin’s entire position in society, her freedom of speech and
action it a result of her economic power and independence arising from
her kurga (her daily earnings). Dealing, as she has to, with all sorts
of customers at the bazaar or during her door to door sales, she
learns to quickly shed all coyness and freely interact with the men.
She provides tremendous economic stability to the family and hence
will not tolerate a bullying or wayward husband. Her financial
position makes her more than welcome with her parents.

In return for her economic power she pays rather heavily by way of
hard work. Her day begins at the break of dawn. After cooking for the
family she takes off to the wharf to buy her fish and returns home
only after the heavy load on her head is sold. At home, innumerous
chores like mending fishing nets, fish baskets and drying to fish
await her attention.

The Kolis are divided into two main occupational classes: the Dolkars
and states. The Dolkars do the actual fishing while the latter
purchase the haul wholesale. They usually set forth in boats to meet
the returning Dolkars and buy the fish. Their popular folk song Dolkar
dariyacha Raja (Dolkar, the king of the sea) underlines his supremacy.

The name Dolkar is derived from dol or dhola the large funnel shaped
net. The smaller nets are known as jal. Every Koli house comprises an
oti (verandah) which is reserved for weaving and repairing nets.
Though house patterns differ, every house has a chool (kitchen),
vathan (room) and a devghar (the worship room). Even in the poorest of
families, living in one room tenements one corner of the house is
reserved for the God. Deeply religious, even the Christian converts,
follow their original Hindu beliefs as well. The annual pilgrimage to
the shrine of Ekvira, at the Karla caves in Pune district in
undertaken by both the Hindus and the Christian Kolis. The chief Hindu
religious festivals are ‘Gauru Shimga’ and ‘Narial Poornima’. No. Koli
whatever his faith, will recommence fishing after the rainy season
without offering a coconut to the sea on Narial Poornima day.

The Hindu Kolis worship Mahadev, Hanuman and Khandoba and the
Christian Kolis worship these and images of Christ and Virgin Mary. A
few worship ancestors (Vir) and are known in the community as Virkar
in opposition to the Devkars who worship only God. The oldest members
of the family both male and female are also worshipped.

Songs from an important part of the Kolis culture. Almost every
ceremony of restival has its special song without which the ceremony
does not commence. At the beginning of every such song a stanza is
devoted to the deities. The deities are invoked andinvited to the
ceremony.

‘Gondan’ (tattooing) to is given religious significance as it is
considered a mark of recognition by God. They believe that after death
at the gates of heaven a woman is asked Godhun aali ki choruni? (Do
you bear the mark of God or are you sneaking in?).

The name Mumbai is derived from the goddess, ‘Mumba’, the patron deity
of the pre-Christian Kolis, the earliest inhabitants of the island. In
the present day the shrine of Mumbadevi, situated at the south-west
corner of the Mumbadevi tank in the very heart of the city is accorded
more reverence than perhaps any other shrine.

Various records reveal that Kolis have been found in Mumbai from early
times. Dr. Gerson da Cunha in the book ‘Origin of Mumbai’ describes
old Mumbai as ‘the desolate islet of the Mumbai Koli fishermen. The
Kolis are reported to have occupied the land in A.D. 1138.

Mumbai-Heptanesia as it was once known, comprised seven separate and
amorphous isles namely Kolaba, Old Woman’s Island, Mumbai, Mazagaon,
Sion, Worli and Mahim (all of which have now been joined by bridges
and reclamations). Records of the earlier settlements of Mumbai speak
of Koli villages in all the seven islands. Though they are completely
dwarfed by the highrise, congested apartments, Koli villages exist all
along the sea coast of Mumbai even today. Mazagaon, it is believed,
owes its name to fish, Machchagaun meaning fish-village, Kolaba means
the Koli estate.

In the matter of dress too, Kolis possess an individuality. Standing
out distinctly, even in the sea of humanity that is Mumbai, is the
koli who has not given up his or her traditional attire. The dress of
a Koli woman consists of two or three garments namely a lugat(sari), a
choli (blouse) and a parkhi (a shoulder scarf). The Christian Kolis
don’t use a parkhi and wear a typical red-checked saree with a tiny
border and use the palla of the saree to cover their shoulders. Lugat
is really the lower garment, nine yards in length in bright floral
designs. It is worn in a peculiar way so that when draped at the waist
it reaches just below the knees and is drawn up tightly between the
legs.

The men generally wear a surkha (a loin cloth). It is a square piece
of cloth, thrown diagonally in front on a string tied round the waist.
The lower end of the cloth is tightly drawn through the legs and
knotted at the back so as to cover the divided of the buttocks. A
waist-coat and close fitting cap complete the attire. When not at sea
the modern Koli wears a pair of pants and shirts.

Fond o jewellery, even their men wear armlets, bangles and earnings.
The women don’t believe in bank accounts and invest almost all their
savings in gold. They wear traditional chunky typically Koli jewellery
like the earnings patterned like the Pisces symbol (fish swimming in
opposite directions) worn by almost all of them.

Otherwise the Kolis live a very simple life. The ordinary Koli meal
consists of curry (ambat), rice, and fried fish. When at sea the men
eat dried fish and rice gruel. They make a lot of sweet dishes at the
Koli women are extremely fond of them. You only wish it would give
them a sweet-tongue!

http://www.indiaprofile.com/lifestyle/kolis.htm

About Koli Samaj:

The Koli Samaj(society) is about 20 % of the general population of
Gujarat state and 24 %
among Hindu population of Gujarat numbering around 13 millions. The
number is based on
census taken in 1931 which is the last time caste based enumeration
was taken in India.
According to sociolists (e.g. Lancy Lobo, Achyut Yagnik) percentage of
Koli population has
remained same. The Koli Samaj is spread throughout Indian
subcontinent. Click here to see
the map depecting concentration of Koli people.
http://www.kolisamaj.org/kolimap.html

This website is an attempt to gather information on Koli caste of
Gujarat state, India and
present it to Koli community to inform them of their past and present,
and promote art,
culture, higher education vis-a-vis better future.

http://www.kolisamaj.org/politics/MPkoliwinner.html
http://www.cultureunplugged.com/play/900/Gujarat--Caste---Outcaste
http://www.kolisamaj.org/politics/movie.html
http://www.kolisamaj.org/politics/politics.html

Fast Fact:

The Following is the regional distribution of Koli names. Many
younger and some older Kolis are
not aware of their regional names and would simply call themselves
Kolis. Some of these names
suggest the locality they reside in and some suggest occupation while
some are high sounding
names some Koli resorted to.

South Gujarat:

Koli Patel or Talpada, Matia, Gulam, Mansarovaria
Saurashtra:

Thakarda, Patelia, Ghedia, Valankiya, Chuvalia, Talpada, Khant, Pagi,
Koli
North Gujarat:

Thakarda or Thakor, Chuvalia, Idaria
Central Gujarat:

Pardeshi, Talpada, Bariya, Bhalia, Khant, Kotwal, Pagi, Patanwadia,
Chuvalia, Debaria, Patelia,
Thakor, Rathwa

http://www.kolisamaj.org/

This is an external link to a short film titled "Gujarat: Caste and
Outcaste".
The first half of the movie is about Adivasis while the later half
talks about situation of Kolis
in Gujarat.

http://www.cultureunplugged.com/play/900/Gujarat--Caste---Outcaste

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Category:Fishing_communities_in_India

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Category:Social_groups_of_Maharashtra

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Category:Social_groups_of_Gujarat

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Category:Social_groups_of_Karnataka

http://navanavonmilita.wordpress.com/

...and I am Sid Harth
navanavonmilita
2010-04-12 05:47:44 UTC
Permalink
India Ink: Sid Harth

A Massacre Prompts New Debate Over India's War With Maoist Rebels
By Sumon K. Chakrabarti / Dantewada Sunday, Apr. 11, 2010

A paramilitary soldier injured by Maoist rebels is hoisted into an
ambulance in Jagdalpur, India.
TV9 / AP

The undulating hills and thick vegetation of Dandakaranya forest —
nearly 50,000 square kilometers of jungle straddling parts of central
Indian states of Chhattisgarh, Maharashtra and the southern state of
Andhra Pradesh — has for decades been a forsaken, off-the-map region
frequented only by corporate India looking to make a killing from the
iron ore reserves of the land. Indeed, for close to 10 years now, the
area has remained off limits for the Indian government and its
agencies, including the police and the military. It is one of the few
pockets of India that has not been topographically surveyed. No good
maps exist of the region. The only "government" the tribal people of
these forests are acquainted with is provided by a fearsome band of
insurgents: "Janatana Sarkar," the people's government run by the
guerrillas of the Communist Party of India-Maoists (CPI-Maoists), for
whom most of the forest is a de facto military headquarters.

(See how India is stepping up its fight against the Maoists.)
http://www.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,1940559,00.html

But just weeks ago, New Delhi decided to challenge the rebels who
carry Mao Zedong's name and who are waging the bloodiest insurgency
India has ever seen. The government announced that 50,000 paramilitary
troops would be part of Operation Greenhunt, with tough-talking Home
Minister of India, Palaniappan Chidambaram, promising to "wipe off the
Maoist movement in the next two-three years." As part of this
campaign, police and para-military forces last week engaged in a four-
day "area domination" exercise near the village of Datewada in the
Dandakaranya forest. But the Maoists were not about to let this
incursion into their territory pass with impunity.

The 80 members of the government's Central Reserve Police Force (CRPF)
were taking a break on April 6 at around 6 a.m. after traveling all
night, when they were ambushed by what some officials estimate to be
400 Maoists positioned on a neighboring hilltop. The Maoists executed
their attack with fierce precision, giving the soldiers no chance to
react. They blew up an anti-landmine vehicle and then began firing
indiscriminately. The shocked and exhausted soldiers, who had not been
able to follow standard procedures like checking the road for
landmines ahead of time, were massacred within minutes. The guerrillas
— both men and women — then took away AK-47 and Insas rifles, the
mortars, magazines of ammunition and bullet-proof jackets from their
victims. Of the 80 Indian troops on exercise, 76 were killed.


While admitting that it lost eight fighters in the three-hour long
attack, the Maoist spokesman justified the massacre in a three-page
faxed statement, saying: "The CRPF battalion deployed in [in
Chattisgarh] were killing innocent people, burning villages, raping
women and displacing... people. We also wanted to take revenge of
killing of our top leaders..."

(See how India's schools have been caught in the cross-fire in the
fight against the Maoists.)

It has been the most significant government setback in the undeclared
war between the two Indias. The Maoists thrive in the 'other' India —
the India which is impoverished, left behind as one-fifth of the
country's populace has begun to thrive, while the other 800 million
suffer with growing resentment from chronic poverty, live without
electricity, roads, hospitals, proper sanitation or clean water — the
classic breeding ground for left-wing extremist violence. As Mao
himself prescribed in 1927, "It's necessary to bring about a brief
reign of terror in every rural area... To right a wrong it is
necessary to exceed the proper limit." Naxalism, as Indian Maoism is
also called — after a village named Naxalbari at the movement's
origins — has rapidly outstripped the insurgencies in Jammu & Kashmir
and North-East India. Maoists have a presence in at least 16 of
India's 28 states, and Prime Minister Manmohan Singh has described
Naxalism as the "biggest internal security challenge" that faces the
country.

India today is groping for answers on how to respond to the Maoist
attack. Chidambaram's strategy had appeared to be working. Many top
Maoist leaders, including Politburo members, had been arrested; the
Maoists had indeed offered to negotiate. Their chief military officer,
Kishanji — nom de guerre of Mallojula Koteswara Rao — even gave out
his cellphone number to Chidambaram to facilitate talks. "But actually
they were retreating so that they can regroup. This is how the Maoists
always operate. But still we have not learnt anything," says K. P. S.
Gill, formerly one of India's top police officers, who had advised the
Chattisgarh government in a previous anti-Maoist operation.

Privately, many senior leaders in the ruling Congress party had
complained to their party president Sonia Gandhi that Home Minister
Chidambaram had used unnecessarily provocative language when talking
about the Maoists. But Prime Minister Singh refused to accept
Chidambaram's offer to resign after the massacre. With the central
government still debating how to deal with the Maoists, there is
confusion on the ground about how to tackle the insurgency. K.P.S.
Gill says it's now time to rethink the entire strategy and criticizes
Chidambaram for giving the go ahead to a "flawed operation."

(See pictures of India's turning points.)
http://www.time.com/time/photogallery/0,29307,1649065,00.html

Those in India who perceive Chidambaram to be a "warmonger" argue that
growing social disparities thrown up by India's economic growth have
been a major factor behind the rebels' expansion. They say the
government needs to provide a more equitable distribution of its
growing wealth. "Let's not forget the killing of more than a hundred
tribal villagers by the security forces since June 2009 ... It's time
the nation starts to work towards ceasefire and cessation of
hostilities so as to help initiate dialogue with the Maoists, and to
address the real issues affecting the people like forced corporate or
state acquisition of land, displacement, tribal rights and the lack of
governance," says Dr. Ranabir Samaddar, Director of Calcutta Research
Group.

Meanwhile, India's Armed Forces are not anxious to join the fight. The
new Indian army chief General V. K. Singh has blamed the lack of
training and tactics in jungle warfare as well as command and control
for the loss of the 76 troopers. He ruled out any role of the military
— that is, the security forces of India's federal government — in the
ongoing operation. "The Naxalite problem is a law and order problem,
which is a state subject. It stems from certain issues on the ground,
be it of governance, be it of administration, be it of socio-economic
factors. And since it is not a secessionist movement, I think our
polity is astute and wise enough to know the implications of using the
Army against their own people." The chief of the Indian Air Force, Air
Marshal P V Naik also expressed his unwillingness to use the Air Force
and its unmanned drones in ongoing anti-Maoist operations. "Unless we
are 120% sure that the Naxals are the country's enemies, it will not
be fair to use the Air Force within our borders."

The Director General of Police of Chattisgarh Vishwa Ranjan admits
that "the [paramilitary] forces need to be trained specifically for
this, which unfortunately we don't do. It's time all of us sit up and
act," he says. Still, he insists he is "prepared to take casualties."
He told TIME: "We are in a war. And no war is won without people
dying."

http://www.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,1981122,00.html?xid=rss-world

India Steps Up Its Fight Against Naxalites
By Jessica Bachman / Kanker Friday, Nov. 20, 2009

Indian officers patrol a forest around their base on the edge of rebel-
controlled territory in Chhattisgarh in October 2009

Keith Bedford / The New York Times / Redux

Late-night digging along the back roads of Bastar, a dense jungle
region in India's northern state of Chhattisgarh, can only mean one
thing if there's nothing to show for it the next day: Maoist rebel
activity. So when a group of villagers in the state's Kanker district,
the gateway to Bastar, were kept awake for nights on end last month by
repeated chinking from metal striking rock on a nearby road, they knew
something was up.

They were right. The Maoists, commonly known in India as Naxalites,
had dug a tunnel five feet under the surface of a paved back road that
was used by security forces from the nearby Counter-Terrorism and
Jungle Warfare College. The insurgents' tunnel's exit points, on the
side of the road, were well concealed with alternating layers of
sandbags and dirt. But before the Naxalites got around to booby-
trapping the underground tunnel with improvised explosives cobbled
together from scavenged pieces of iron and heisted explosive materials
from state-owned mines, it had been filled in. The villagers had
tipped off commandos from the college.

Naxalite rebels, whose leaders claim to follow Maoist doctrine on
armed people's struggle, have been waging a guerilla war against the
Indian government since their first uprising in the West Bengal
village of Naxalbari in 1967. For over three decades a phlegmatic
response from central and state security organs did little to prevent
the then isolated Naxal insurgency from foraying into underdeveloped
forest and jungle regions in central and eastern India where it gained
support of impoverished tribal groups and villagers. By 2001, some
Naxalites had gained sway over 51 districts, and with the state
response mechanism to their movements still weak, that number
quadrupled in less than a decade. Naxals now operate in 223 districts,
spread out over one-third of India along a vertical belt commonly
referred to as the Red Corridor.

In the 34 regions that the government considers to be the worst
affected by Maoist activity, the rebel movement has taken on a
particularly bloody dimension, with Naxalites orchestrating police
massacres, bombings, bank and mine robberies, informant murders and
kidnappings on a routine basis. By Nov. 2, "left-wing extremism" —
Delhi's euphemism for Naxal terrorism — was responsible for 834
civilian, security-force and Naxal deaths throughout 10 states this
year, according to data collected by the South Asia Terrorism Portal.

As in previous years, Chhattisgarh took the biggest hit, sustaining
237 casualties. While last month's brazen attempt in the state to
attack India's only anti-Naxal police training camp reveals how low
the insurgents' perception is of the state's ability to fight them, it
also, says the college's director, gives the institution further
insight into how to fight this battle. "I've always told our men that
they can't win the war against the Naxals without gaining the trust of
the villagers and forest dwellers," says Brigadier Basant Ponwar, who
served in the army for 35 years as a counterinsurgency specialist
before going to Chhattisgarh in 2005 to set up the college. "Now we
see that even right in our own backyard the villagers are our eyes and
ears."

Tucked away on 300 acres of hilly jungle terrain, just north of a
notorious Naxal stronghold, the college is strategically positioned to
drill police forces in a strategy that until recently was reserved for
training select army special forces: fight a guerilla like a guerilla.
"Police are trained for carrying out normal law-and-order duties.
They're not prepared for jungle combat or jungle living, but that's
precisely what they must know to take on Naxals," explains the state's
director general of police, Vishwa Ranjan. For decades the state had
dismissed the Naxal movement's creeping ascendancy over its southern
districts and did little to buttress the strength of its security
force. This year, the state's sanctioned police force stands at
46,000, more than double the number of officers on the ground in 2005,
and all new recruits are being put through the college course in
addition to basic training.

The college has already taught 11,500 police personnel from eight
states how to raid Naxal hideouts, conduct search-and-destroy
operations at gun-manufacturing camps, clear roads of improvised
explosives using sniffer dogs, set up roadside checkpoints and set up
covert outposts in enemy territory. During the 45-day course,
commandos-in-training get up at dawn for early morning conditioning,
including three-mile runs up steep, rocky knobs plus strength
training, yoga and meditation. (Ponwar insists that all officers who
still have a paunch by the end of the course are failed.) To dispel
officers' fear of the jungle, the forces are taught how to catch (and
eat) snakes, distinguish edible plants from poisonous ones and make
camouflaged lean-tos out of sticks and leaves.

The college has been a bright spot in India's fight against the bloody
insurgency. But Ajai Sahni, the executive director of the New Delhi–
based Institute of Conflict Management, says that the high level of
corruption and inefficiency in the state security apparatus cancels
out whatever inroads the school has made. "Only a fraction of those
that go through the college's training are later used for what they
are being trained for, so the effort is often for naught," Sahni
laments, comparing the police commandos to students trained in
neurosurgery who go on to become store clerks. Only half of the
college's graduates from Chhattisgarh are deployed in areas with
substantial Maoist activity and, according to Sahni, police corruption
and grasping politicians are to blame. "It's a well-known fact that if
a police officer doesn't want to be deployed to dangerous district, he
bribes his way out," he says. "Many of the warfare college's commandos
are also scooped up by VIP ministers and politicians who want to be
surrounded by impressive security details."

Meanwhile, national efforts to bring this decades-long insurgency to a
swift end are also intensifying. India's new hard-line Home Minister,
P. Chidambaram, is not convinced that states, if left to their own
devices, will be able to reassert state authority over Naxal-dominated
territories anytime soon. That's why this month, tens of thousands of
paramilitary and border security forces were withdrawn from other
regions and deployed in rebel districts in northern and central India.
"Our newest strategy is to win complete control over small areas under
Maoist influence, hold them, and not withdraw forces until development
in the area is well under way," says director general of police Vishwa
Ranjan. "We will repeat this pattern in other areas, a few at a time,
until the enemy has nowhere to go. "

Still, considering it's taken four decades to get to this point, the
process is bound to be a gradual one. In recent years, the state's
action plan was to establish a minimum police presence in all Naxal
regions, and little attention was paid to increasing the size of the
ranks or improving the meager force's fighting abilities. But without
strength in numbers or combat skills, the police have been unable to
curb the spread of Maoist violence and defend the state's isolated
police outposts. At the Indian Economic Summit in New Delhi on Nov.
10, Chidambaram said all heavily affected states would completely
reassert control over their Naxal-dominated areas within two or three
years. Director general of police Ranjan thinks four years is a more
realistic time frame. "We're not taking any more shortcuts," Ranjan
says. "This is going to be a long, drawn-out battle."

http://www.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,1940559,00.html

India's Secret War
By Simon Robinson/Southern Chhattisgarh Thursday, May. 29, 2008

ENLARGE PHOTO+
Armed and Dangerous

Maoist Naxalite rebels go through training exercises in the woods of
Chhattisgarh, a central Indian state at the heart of the insurgency

Photograph for TIME by Adam Ferguson

The news came crackling over the radio, the voice fading in and out as
the sound waves bounced through the wooded hills and valleys of
central India to the camp where the militants — and a TIME
photographer and myself — lay down to sleep. Earlier that day in May,
a raiding gang of some 300 Maoist insurgents had attacked a plant
belonging to Indian steel giant Essar, the radio news program
declared. More than 50 trucks and pieces of heavy machinery had been
destroyed. The commander of the unit in the camp that night, Deva, a
boyish-looking man of just 24 or 25 (he wasn't quite sure), allowed a
smile to spread across his face for a moment. His comrades-in-arms
against the government of India and the companies that drive its
booming economy had struck again. That, he said, should answer my
question about whether the Maoist insurgents went easy on some mining
companies in the area so as to force them to pay protection money and
bribes instead. "If the public wants to teach a lesson to Essar, then
we'll teach them a lesson," said Deva.

You've heard of rich India and poor India, a land of high-tech workers
and slum dwellers alike. This is a story about a third India that
exists at the nexus of the two, which feeds off the excesses of the
country's new wealth and preys on its most vulnerable. It is the story
of the Naxalites, a Maoist insurgency that has grown from the margins
four decades ago to become, in the words of Prime Minister Manmohan
Singh, "the single biggest internal security challenge ever faced by
our country." It is a tale of ideology and mafia-like thuggery, a
conflict born in a vacuum of government inaction, and fueled by
official mismanagement and corruption. And it is the story of the
millions caught in between.

A Turn to the Left India is no stranger to violent rebellion, as the
decades-long struggle in Kashmir attests. But the separatist conflict
there and low-level insurgencies in the country's remote northeast
grind on at the periphery, driven by groups agitating to break away.
The Maoists, like their ideological brothers in Nepal who recently
took power through elections, are different. They want to overthrow
the government in New Delhi and install a new one, and they have taken
their fight to the geographic heart of the country, to the scrubby
woodland and remote, poor villages that blanket a huge chunk of
central India. The would-be revolutionaries trace their roots back to
1967, when a group of activists split away from India's mainstream
Communist Party and initiated a peasant uprising in the West Bengal
village of Naxalbari. The Naxalite movement grew quickly and attracted
landless laborers and student intellectuals, but a government
crackdown in the 1970s broke the group into myriad feuding factions.
By the 1990s, as India began to liberalize its economy and economic
growth took off, violent revolution seemed more quaint relic than
threat.

No longer. The Naxalite resurgence began in 2004 when the two biggest
splinters of the original movement — one Marxist and one Maoist — set
aside their differences and joined to form the Communist Party of
India (Maoist). The combined force — which Indian government security
officials and independent analysts now estimate at between 10,000 and
20,000 armed fighters plus at least 50,000 active supporters — has
quickly consolidated power across great swathes of India's poorest
regions. The central government, which lists the Naxalites as a banned
terrorist group, says that 11 of India's 28 states are now affected in
one way or another by the insurgency. Nongovernment organizations put
the number of affected states even higher. The rebels tax local
villagers, extort payments from businesses, abduct and kill "class
enemies" such as government officials and police officers, and stop
aid getting through to people caught in the cross fire.

The militia's strikes have grown more daring. In March last year, some
400 Naxalites surrounded a police camp in southern Chhattisgarh, lit
the camp up using powerful lights and generators and lobbed grenades
and petrol bombs for more than three hours, killing 55 people. Last
December, in the same area, a single Maoist overpowered a jail guard
and set free 294 inmates, including 15 senior Naxalite fighters. In
February this year, more than 100 insurgents laid siege to three
police stations, a police outpost, a police training school and a
government armory in the state of Orissa, killing 13 policemen and a
bystander and hauling off hundreds of rifles, semiautomatics, light
machine guns, pistols and ammunition. Not a single Maoist was killed.
Include government security forces, civilians and the Naxalites
themselves, and the conflict killed 837 people in 2007, enough to make
it deadlier than the Kashmir conflict for the first time ever. "It's
absolutely a growing threat," says Ajai Sahni, executive director of
the Institute for Conflict Management in New Delhi and a keen observer
of the re-emergence of the Naxalites. "You can't escape that fact."

Ripe for Revolution A recent — and extremely rare — trip into a
Naxalite zone in the state of Chhattisgarh shows just how much control
the Maoists have in India's neglected heartland. After weeks of
negotiating, I received word from a senior commander there that cadres
from the area would escort a photographer and me into the field to
meet a rebel unit. After an early morning, two-hour motorbike ride
along dirt roads south of the town of Dantewada, across rivers where
women beat their clothes against rocks and through villages full of
thatched and terracotta-roofed huts, scrawny chickens and children
with distended bellies (a classic sign of malnutrition), we set off by
foot deep into the forested hills.

The people there don't just live on the edge of Indian society — they
live beyond it, in a void that successive governments in New Delhi
have neglected for decades. In this part of the country, far removed
from the famed call centers of modern India, there are no roads, no
power, no running water, no telephones and no officials to answer
pleas for help.

The inhabitants of these villages are known as Adivasis, or "original
dwellers." Most Indians call them tribals, a category that doesn't
even register in India's complicated caste pecking order but stands
outside it. The British colonial rulers treated Adivasis as
encroachers on the very land they had occupied for generations, a
legal absurdity that India's current government has only recently
corrected. Adivasis are entitled to reserved places in universities
and government jobs but they remain among India's poorest and most
marginalized. In village after village on our journey, the only
visible sign of a government presence was an occasional well with
metal hand pump.

Born in the hills he now fights from, Deva — he gave just one name —
is an Adavasi like most of the insurgency's foot soldiers. Naxalite
commanders have historically come from the movement's educated ranks
and often speak English. Deva speaks only Gondi, a local tongue. If he
has a second language it is the strange, religious-like discipline of
Maoism. Our conversations were punctuated with long silences as he
turned questions over in his head before answering them, often with a
slogan or a long monologue that sounded torn from the small collection
of books and newspapers that his unit read and reread and then teach
to local villagers. He began learning Maoism at eight, he said. Two of
his five siblings are also Maoist fighters. They had a good childhood,
helping their father farm rice and hunt in the forests. There was no
school in his village and so he and his siblings attended classes
given by rebel soldiers who had moved into the area. What they taught
made perfect sense to him. "For thousands of years we have been here
but we don't have rights and the government does nothing for us: no
health, no education, no services. They don't come here," Deva said.
"At the same time they don't respect us. They say they can give out
rights to this land to mining companies and they have the power to do
that. We say, No."

There's no denying the insurgency has prospered in areas of official
neglect. In a paper he presented to Parliament two years ago, Home
Minister Shivraj Patil said that "Naxalites operate in [a] vacuum
created by [an] absence of administrative and political institutions."
The Naxalites, Patil said, "take advantage of the disenchantment
prevalent among the exploited segments of the population" to "offer an
alternative system of governance which promises emancipation ...
through the barrel of a gun."

Domestic Violence That textbook description of how an insurgency works
was on show in the village we visited — a small collection of huts
Deva and his unit of 130 men and women use as an occasional base as
they constantly shift around the hills. There, as elsewhere, the
Naxalites run a parallel administration, complete with tax collectors,
a school and very basic health facilities. Late in the afternoon,
seven women militants dressed in tunics and red sashes danced and sang
for gathered villagers, preaching the benefits of Maoism, railing
against exploitative mining companies and chanting about the evils of
New Delhi. Dozens of young kids listened intently. In a mock training
drill put on for the visiting reporters, the same kids watched
uniformed insurgents practice creeping through thick jungle and assume
various attack positions. "Our prime mission is to awake the public
and then revolution will happen automatically," a squad commander
named Bhima told me.

But Maoism's methods are no gentle wake-up call. India's Naxalites
have taken to heart Mao Zedong's maxim that "the seizure of power by
armed force, the settlement of the issue by war, is the central task
and the highest form of revolution," killing and abducting enemies and
using coercion and force to win support among the very same villagers
they claim to be liberating. To protest state "exploitation," the
Maoists regularly order farmers in their regions to stop growing food
or to raise the sale prices for certain items. Farmers who defy such
bans have been summarily executed, say human-rights groups such as the
Chhattisgarh-based Forum for Fact-Finding Documentation and Advocacy.

Naxalites also regularly terrorize village folk and warn them not to
move to government-controlled areas. On our trip into the hinterland
it was impossible to ask villagers whether they were happy with the
Maoist presence or not. But a few days earlier, in a camp for people
displaced by the conflict about 20 miles away, Miriyam Joga, 41, could
barely contain his rage. A relatively successful farmer, Joga had
owned a few dozen goats and 27 oxen in the southern Chhattisgarh
village of Punpalli until a Naxalite raid three years ago. "They said
if I leave my village then they will cut me like this," he said,
tilting his head back and drawing his finger across his throat. "But I
was feeling that they might murder me anyway so I left. They took my
animals and now I have nothing."

The Battle to Fight Back To boost the numbers and quality of new
recruits and to rearm and retrain existing police officers, New Delhi
has massively increased funding over the past few years. But much of
this money — 45% last year — goes unspent and coordination between
state police and the better-equipped and better-trained paramilitary
units sent by the central government to help in the worst-hit areas is
weak. "Often, our forces are not even called out [by the state
police]," complains A. P. Maheshwari, inspector general of operations
for the Central Reserve Police Force in New Delhi. (India's Home
Minister agreed to be interviewed for this story but repeatedly
canceled appointments with TIME.)

The central government has begun training state police in jungle
warfare at a new college in Chhattisgarh. More than 6,500 police
officers have learned better shooting skills, how to move in thick
forest, how to survive on bush food and how to take on enemy fighters
in hand-to-hand combat. But the flamboyant head of the college,
Brigadier B.K. Ponwar says that no matter how much police officers
improve their skills, the key remains winning the support of the
masses. "Look at Iraq," he says. "I tell my students that their most
important objective is to win people's hearts."

That would be easier if not for the emergence in Chhattisgarh three
years ago of a civil militia known as Salwa Judum, which means either
"peace mission" or "collective hunt" depending on who's doing the
translating. The movement's backers say it developed spontaneously
when local villagers grew tired of the Naxalites' brutal mafia-like
tactics. Chhattisgarh police then appointed thousands of young men,
some of them still teenagers, as "special police officers," supplied
them with weapons and pushed them to fight the Maoists. Human-rights
groups say the special police officers use many of the same tactics as
the Naxalites, including extrajudicial killings. The Salwa Judum
movement has also forced at least 60,000 people out of their villages
(to prevent the Naxalites from recruiting them) and into temporary
camps: sad, cramped settlements that are quickly taking on the air of
permanence.

The Salwa Judum movement has worsened the situation, draining the
countryside of potential informants and convincing thousands of people
that the Indian state really is as bad as the Naxalites say it is. A
central government committee has recommended closing the camps and
disarming the special police officers, whom India's Supreme Court
recently termed illegal. Salwa Judum supporters say the criticism is
proof of how widespread sympathy for the Naxalites is. "Should we stop
fighting terrorism?" asks Chhattisgarh opposition leader Mahendra
Karma, a member of the Congress Party and a strong backer of the
militia. "Even [Mahatma] Gandhi had his dissenters, and Salwa Judum,
which is a peaceful movement, is facing attacks by those motivated by
political ideology."

Government security officials and independent observers say the
Naxalites have begun to reorganize along more formal military lines.
The rebels still use bows and arrows, knives and ancient rifles, but
have begun to stock up on machine guns, land mines and mortars, and
are building increasingly sophisticated roadside bombs. Based on
documents seized in the past year, Indian intelligence agencies
estimate that Naxalite Inc. now has an annual budget of $250 million,
much of which comes from extorting road contractors and mining
companies, and from taxing hundreds of thousands of poor villagers.
That money, analysts say, is funding the Maoists' efforts to improve
their reach into — and ability to strike — urban areas.

Class war is still an unlikely dream, however. Yes, Maoist rebels
recently won power in neighboring Nepal. But the Indian state is more
powerful and sophisticated than Nepal's defeated monarchy. (The rise
of Nepal's Maoists has actually split opinion among their Indian
brothers: some believe that the Nepalese group sold out by
participating in elections, while others argue it is a legitimate
tactical move toward revolution.) And in India's rowdy democracy, the
entire political spectrum from far right to the mainstream Communist
Party of India have called for the Maoists to be destroyed.

Until that happens, the Maoists will continue to bleed India. "We want
every person in India to have equal rights and the Maoist flag flying
in New Delhi," Deva told me in his camp, a small group of cadres
gathered around him, nodding as he spoke. How long will that take? I
asked. A few of his men giggled. "We cannot say," Deva replied. "But
in our life we will do whatever is possible." It is a sentiment that
captures both the enormity of the Maoists' aims and the huge challenge
New Delhi faces in the years ahead.

http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,1810169,00.html

Fearing CRPF backlash, villagers abandon homes for forests
Aman Sethi

Security forces killed my brother, says villager
— Photo: Aman Sethi

GHOST VILLAGE:Mukram village in Dantewada, Chhattisgarh, wears a
deserted look on Sunday. Its residents, fearing police retribution for
the massacre of 76 CRPF men by Maoists on April 6, have fled to the
forests.

Mukram: All the houses in this village in Dantewada, Chhattisgarh, are
locked. Cows, chickens and the odd pig roam the empty pathways in
search of water and shade. Since the April 6 massacre of 76 CRPF
personnel by Maoists in an open field about two kilometres away, the
villagers have moved into the forests. They return only for a few
hours a day to tend to their animals and the Mahua trees.

“Everyone is terrified that the police will take revenge by attacking
the village,” said a villager who came out of the forest to check on
his house, “They have already killed one person.”

A small village of about 50 houses, Mukram is of great significance in
the context of the April 6 Maoist attack. CRPF soldiers and villagers
confirmed that the patrol party of 82 men ate dinner here on the night
of April 5, a few hours before it was attacked.

CRPF soldiers interviewed by The Hindu are convinced that the
villagers tipped the Maoists off about the location of the force. “If
they hadn't stopped at that village, this would never have happened,”
said a soldier who was part of a reinforcement party sent from
Chintalnar.

A Maoist statement soon after the attack praised Rukhmati, a Maoist
section commander from Mukram, who was killed in the attack. However,
villagers insisted they had nothing to do with Tuesday's ambush. “We
knew nothing of the attack or of Rukhmati,” said a villager.

“A large group of policemen from Chintalnar camp came to our village
the day after the incident,” said Kunjam Mangadu. “We all ran into the
forests. But when we returned, we couldn't find my elder brother,
Kunjam Suklu.”

Villagers said their search for him ended the second day with the
discovery of his corpse in a field just adjacent to the massacre spot.
They cremated his body on Saturday.

The Chhattisgarh police and CRPF denied these allegations. “No such
incident has occurred,” said a senior CRPF officer based in Bastar.
“It is possible the villagers are pointing to the body of a Maoist
killed in Tuesday's encounter.”

However, villagers said Suklu's body bore no bullet marks. Kunjam
Mangadu said his brother was beaten to death. “He had been beaten so
badly that the skin was peeling off his arms.”

“We have received no information regarding the incident,” said Amresh
Mishra, Superintendent of Police, Dantewada. “No one has approached us
with any complaints.”

According to villagers and soldiers interviewed in Mukram and
Chintalnar, adivasi villages in a 10-kilometre radius of the
Chintalnar CRPF camp too have been abandoned.

On Saturday, Chintalnar village bore a deserted look as well.
“Chintalnar has the biggest bazaar in the area,” said a resident.
“Usually thousands of adivasis from more than 10 villages come for the
bazaar. Today is market day but no adivasi has come. Not one.”

http://www.thehindu.com/2010/04/12/stories/2010041260870100.htm

Probe into massacre begins

RAIPUR/JAGDALPUR: A one-man commission of inquiry to probe the April 6
massacre of 76 CRPF personnel in Chhattisgarh by Maoists has begun its
investigation, even as a manhunt is on to nab those who planned the
ambush.

E.N. Rammohan, former BSF chief, has started collecting information
such as the command structure and hierarchy, the decision on the
operation and the quality of training given to the CRPF men. He would
also probe whether they followed the Standard Operating Procedures,
informed sources said adding the Commission would submit a report on
April 24.

The CRPF on Sunday deployed commandos of the Special Armed Force in
the Naxal-infested forests of Dantewada. — PTI

http://www.thehindu.com/2010/04/12/stories/2010041261090100.htm

Maoist death squads executed dozens around Lalgarh
Praveen Swami

Killing campaign focused on eliminating CPI(M) activists and other
political opponents

JHARGRAM: Little pieces of glass still lie embedded in dry earth next
to the cot where Abhijit Mahato fell.

On the morning he was executed as an enemy of the people, Mahato had
been drinking a cup of tea at the end of an eight-hour night shift
guarding trucks parked along the Kharagpur-Ranchi highway — the job
that paid for the college classes he would have made his way to an
hour later.

But then, six men arrived on motorcycles at the truck-stop, carrying
automatic rifles. They announced to bystanders that Abhijit Mahato and
his friends, Anil Mahato and Niladhar Mahato, were members of the
Communist Party of India (Marxist). The punishment for this crime, the
men announced, was death.

The June 17 murder of Abhijit Mahato and his friends didn’t make it to
the national press — or draw the attention of the growing numbers of
human rights activists, who have arrived in West Medinipur district to
investigate the ongoing confrontation between the West Bengal
government and Communist Party of India (Maoist) operatives in
Lalgarh. But the killings — and dozens like it — are key to
understanding the still-unfolding crisis.

District police records show that 111 West Medinipur residents have
been killed by Maoist death squads since 2002. Most of the killings
were concentrated in the twin blocks of Binpur and adjoining Salboni —
the heartland of the Lalgarh violence.

Seventy four of the dead were targeted because they were cadre or
supporters of the Communist Party of India (Marxist). Twenty-three of
the victims were police personnel; five were adivasis community
elders; one belonged to the Congress; another was a former Maoist who
had left the movement in disgust. Seventeen CPI(M) workers have been
executed by Maoists since November alone.

It is instructive to compare the murders in West Medinipur with those
in India’s most violent State — Jammu and Kashmir. In the years from
2003, Jammu and Kashmir Police records show, 71 political activists
from all political parties have been killed by jihadists. More lives
have been lost in attacks by Maoist death squads by one single party
in one single district of West Bengal.

The data also shows the contest has been uneven: not one Maoist
operative has been shot dead in West Medinipur until police moved into
Lalgarh last week, either by the state or their political opponents.

Most of those killed by the Maoist death squads come from the ranks of
the rural poor; many of them from the same adivasi communities whose
name the Maoists have invoked to legitimise terrorism in Lalgarh.

The only son of his widowed mother, and one of five children, Abhijit
Mahato was the first member of his extended family to succeed in
gaining admission to a college degree. In photographs his mother,
Savita Mahato, recently had taken at a local studio, to be shown to
the families of prospective brides, Mahato can be seen posing against
a movie set-like backdrop.

“I cannot understand”, Savita Mahato says, “what kinds of people would
kill a boy who did them not the slightest harm”.

Many others have died in similar circumstances. Karamchand Singh, a
noted chhau-dance performer, was executed in front of his primary
school students at Binpur last year. His crime was to have campaigned
for the CPI(M) despite Maoist warnings to dissociate himself from the
party. Pelaram Tudu, a locally renowned football player who supported
the CPI(M), was shot dead in another death-squad attack. So, too, was
Kartik Hansda, a folk artist.

Honiran Murmu, a doctor working in the Laboni area, was killed along
with staff nurse Bharati Majhi and driver Bapsi in October, after an
improvised explosive device went off under their car. No explanation
was offered by Maoists for the attack, why the vehicle was targeted,
but Laboni residents say the attack was intended to punish Mr. Misir
for renting out vehicles to the police.

In May, Maoists executed Haripada Mahato as he was bathing in a pond
outside his home in the village of Bhumi Dhansola. A former activist
with the Maoist-affiliated Kisan Mazdoor Samiti, Haripada Mahato had
left the movement in disgust a decade ago. He had since then worked as
a night watchman and polio-immunisation campaign volunteer at the
Medinipur Medical College.

“The Maoists said he was an informer for the police”, says Haripada
Mahato’s wife, Padmavati Mahato, “and we swore he wasn’t. But who can
win an argument with a gun?”

Related stories:

West Bengal cannot say ‘no’ to ban on Maoists: Buddhadeb
http://www.hindu.com/2009/06/24/stories/2009062457750100.htm
Centre bans CPI (Maoist)
http://www.hindu.com/2009/06/23/stories/2009062358320100.htm
Misguided outfits should be fought politically, says Left Front
http://www.hindu.com/2009/06/23/stories/2009062358350100.htm
Ban on Maoists will not serve any purpose: Karat
http://www.hindu.com/2009/06/23/stories/2009062360611000.htm
Lalgarh: it’s wait and watch
http://www.hindu.com/2009/06/23/stories/2009062360561000.htm
Mamata distances herself from PSBJC
http://www.hindu.com/2009/06/23/stories/2009062360571000.htm
Ready for dialogue if government agrees to some of our demands:
Maoists
http://www.hindu.com/2009/06/23/stories/2009062360551000.htm
Letters to the Editor on Lalgarh crisis
http://www.hindu.com/2009/06/23/stories/2009062353960801.htm
Consider people’s safety: Mahato
http://www.hindu.com/2009/06/22/stories/2009062254570100.htm
“Charge against Trinamool proved”
http://www.hindu.com/2009/06/20/stories/2009062056311000.htm
No link with Maoists: Trinamool
http://www.hindu.com/2009/06/20/stories/2009062060801000.htm
Help resolve Lalgarh crisis-Editorial
http://www.hindu.com/2009/06/19/stories/2009061955410800.htm
Trouble in Lalgarh - in pics
http://www.hindu.com/thehindu/gallery/1160/
Problem at Lalgarh spreading: official
http://www.hindu.com/2009/06/17/stories/2009061759701100.htm
“PSBJC will accept democratic forces’ support”
http://www.hindu.com/2009/06/17/stories/2009061759711100.htm

Corrections and Clarifications

In a report "Maoist death squads executed dozens around Lalgarh" (June
25, 2009), two sentences were incomplete in some early editions. In
the fifth paragraph the sentence "Most of the killings were
concentrated in the twin blocks of Binpur and adjoining Salboni - the
precise areas where the Maoist-backed Committee Against Police
Atrocities", should have been "Most of the killings were concentrated
in the twin blocks of Binpur and adjoining Salboni - the heartland of
the Lalgrah violence."

In the 12th paragraph, the sentence "Pelaram Tudu, a locally-renowned
football player who supported the, was shot dead in another death-
squad attack", should have been "Pelaram Tudu, a locally-renowned
football player who supported the CPI(M), was shot dead in another
death-squad attack."

Online edition of India's National Newspaper
Thursday, Jun 25, 2009

http://www.hinduonnet.com/2009/06/25/stories/2009062559411000.htm

Maoist posters appear in Kandhamal
Staff Reporter

BERHAMPUR: Bombing by unknown miscreants and posters by alleged
Maoists against the Sangh activists has intensified tension in
G.Udaygiri area of Kandhamal district.

A poster in the name of banned CPI (Maoist) party threatening people
supporting the organisations of the Sangh Parivar appeared on a wall
of the G.Udaygiri hospital. This poster was written in Oriya. Police
has seized the poster and investigation was on to find out whether it
was the handiwork of Maoists or it was mischief of some miscreants.

According to senior police officials they are serious about this
threat poster as it has come up before the Christmas.

During past two years Christmas time has been tense due to communal
tension. Police officials suspect it may be an attempt by alleged
Maoists or some miscreants to disrupt the peace that has returned back
to the district.

This poster is being taken seriously as on Thursday evening some
unknown person had hurled bombs at the shop of one Nageswar Prusty.
Protesting against the bandh call and police inaction to nab the
culprit behind the bomb blast, the traders of G.Udaygiri had observed
a bandh on Saturday.

The poster by alleged Maoists had appeared after the bandh call.

It is alleged that some traders of the area are supporters of
organisations of Sangh Parivar.

So, the police is trying to increase security in the area to avoid
escalation of tension over allegations and counter allegations which
may take communal turn before the Christmas.

Online edition of India's National Newspaper
Tuesday, Dec 15, 2009

http://www.hinduonnet.com/2009/12/15/stories/2009121551360300.htm

Maoist posters appear in Kandhamal
Staff Reporter

BERHAMPUR: Bombing by unknown miscreants and posters by alleged
Maoists against the Sangh activists has intensified tension in
G.Udaygiri area of Kandhamal district.

A poster in the name of banned CPI (Maoist) party threatening people
supporting the organisations of the Sangh Parivar appeared on a wall
of the G.Udaygiri hospital. This poster was written in Oriya. Police
has seized the poster and investigation was on to find out whether it
was the handiwork of Maoists or it was mischief of some miscreants.

According to senior police officials they are serious about this
threat poster as it has come up before the Christmas.

During past two years Christmas time has been tense due to communal
tension. Police officials suspect it may be an attempt by alleged
Maoists or some miscreants to disrupt the peace that has returned back
to the district.

This poster is being taken seriously as on Thursday evening some
unknown person had hurled bombs at the shop of one Nageswar Prusty.
Protesting against the bandh call and police inaction to nab the
culprit behind the bomb blast, the traders of G.Udaygiri had observed
a bandh on Saturday.

The poster by alleged Maoists had appeared after the bandh call.

It is alleged that some traders of the area are supporters of
organisations of Sangh Parivar.

So, the police is trying to increase security in the area to avoid
escalation of tension over allegations and counter allegations which
may take communal turn before the Christmas.

Online edition of India's National Newspaper
Tuesday, Dec 15, 2009

http://www.hinduonnet.com/2009/12/15/stories/2009121551360300.htm

Maoists blow up culvert in Orissa
Sib Kumar Das

Posters opposing ‘Operation Green Hunt' put up

Maoists block road near Jogi-Palur

Landmines used to damage culvert

BERHAMPUR: Maoists on Saturday blew up a culvert on an important road
and put up posters opposing ‘Operation Green Hunt' in the Narayanpatna
block of Koraput district in Orissa.

They also put up posters near Roxy of the K.Balanga block of
Sundergarh district.

Deputy Inspector-General of Police (Southwestern range) Sanjiv Panda
said the Maoists used landmines to damage a culvert on the crucial
Narayanpatna-Laxmipur road near the Karki ghat. They also cut down
trees to block the road near Jogi-Palur.

At some places, the road was dug up and optical fibre cables were
damaged disrupting telephone communication in most areas of the
Narayanpatna block.

Mr. Panda said no one was injured as the blast took place early in the
morning. Additional forces were sent to the area.

Following threat of landmines, the security forces were moving with
caution.

The posters opposed ‘Operation Green Hunt' against the Maoists planned
at Dantewada in Chhattisgarh, in Malkangiri and Koraput districts of
Orissa and in parts of Andhra Pradesh.

Security had been tightened in the Narayanpatna block.

Online edition of India's National Newspaper
Sunday, Apr 11, 2010

http://www.hindu.com/2010/04/11/stories/2010041159790100.htm

Binayak Sen condemns Dantewada massacre
Raktima Bose

“Dialogue is the need of the hour rather than intensifying security
operations”

Kolkata: Condemning the massacre of 76 security personnel by Maoists
at Dantewada in Chhattisgarh on April 6, eminent human rights activist
Binayak Sen said on Saturday that holding a dialogue between the
rebels and the government was the need of the hour rather than
intensifying security operations.

Dr. Sen was in prison in Raipur for two years for alleged Maoist links
but freed on bail in May last year, following widespread protests both
in India and abroad.

Speaking to The Hindu over telephone from Vellore, where he is
undergoing medical treatment, Dr. Sen said he supported neither the
government's nor the Maoists' violence against each other since both
led to large-scale displacement of people, social inequity and
injustice.

In a statement, he said: “We condemn and deplore the processes of
violence and militarisation that have resulted in the tragic death of
76 police personnel in Dantewada on April 6, as well as the deaths of
so many people on both sides of the ongoing conflict between the
Maoists and the state forces. We also deplore the attendant tragic
deaths of so many ordinary citizens whose deaths have gone unrecorded
and largely unmourned. We cannot and do not valorise recourse to
planned military strategy as a way to bring about social and political
change either by the state or by those opposing it. At the same time
we do mark the reality of structural violence and its role in
perpetuating the criminally high levels of inequity we see all around
us. We join ours to the many voices appealing for the cessation of
violence and the initiation of political dialogue to bring about peace
with justice and equity.”

Dr. Sen, a physician, said the very fact that 3.5 lakh people have
been displaced from 700 villages of Dantewada district alone was
indicative of the situation across Chhattisgarh.

Pointing to the malnutrition figures provided by the National
Nutrition Monitoring Bureau, which says 33 per cent of the population,
including 50 per cent of scheduled tribes and 60 per cent of scheduled
castes, suffer from chronic under-nutrition, Dr. Sen wondered what
prevented the administration from addressing this situation in regions
not affected by Maoist presence.

Referring to a long-term study undertaken by a small non-governmental
organisation, Jan Swarth Sahyog, which functions from the Ganiyari
village in Chhattisgarh's Bilaspur district, he said the people in the
region suffer from chronic malnutrition and malnutrition-related
diseases like malaria and pulmonary tuberculosis during the period of
August to November each year.

“There is no Maoist in this area. So the government argument that
Maoist violence is responsible for the terrible level of under-
development, poverty and inequity does not hold here…if body mass
index is monitored on a monthly basis, there is a dip of BMI when rice
harvest from the previous year runs out…The starvation leads to low
immunity of the body and so malaria sets in. Also 95 per cent of the
pulmonary tuberculosis cases have been found with BMI less than 18.5,”
Dr. Sen said.

Online edition of India's National Newspaper
Sunday, Apr 11, 2010

http://www.hindu.com/2010/04/11/stories/2010041157011400.htm

Nitish questions strategy against Naxals
K. Balchand

NEW DELHI: Bihar Chief Minister Nitish Kumar on Saturday took a dig at
Union Home Minister P. Chidambaram's offer to resign in the wake of
the Dantewada massacre of CRPF personnel, and disapproved of his
strategy in countering naxalism.

During his interaction with the media at the Indian Women's Press
Corps, Mr. Kumar frowned at Mr. Chidambaram's action underscoring that
there was no need for such theatricals at such a critical juncture.
“Where is the need for it when all know that the Prime Minister will
reject it? Is there any need to talk so much?”

He lashed out at the Home Minister and Home Secretary G.K. Pillai for
the kind of language they used to hit out at those who digressed from
their opinion. “What language is this? How can you approve of Mr.
Chidambaram's language against West Bengal Chief Minister Buddhadeb
Bhattacharjee? The Home Secretary says Bihar is not cooperating in the
fight against Naxalism.”

Mr. Kumar charged that both of them did not seem to be applying their
minds before saying anything. “They are making statements without
thinking of the issues. The Home Secretary would do better to leave
such issues to his political bosses. My status prohibits me, and will
it be proper to set my Home Secretary against the Union Home Secretary
to negate his folly?”

Basic problems

On the Centre's strategy to counter Naxal violence, Mr. Kumar
counselled that brashness barely yielded any gain. The Naxalite
problem could not be tackled through police operations. “You can have
limited success. There might be failures too. But this is no solution
to the basic problems.”

The Chief Minister said action was necessary if the law and order
situation so demanded and underscored that such actions were taken
even in Bihar. “But, where is the need to raise your tone or tenor.”

Development process

Mr. Kumar said it was equally important to unroll the development
process. That means development with justice and not just setting big
factories and projects which had no meaning to them.

The delivery system had to be toned up and corruption uprooted so that
the poor got their due.

“We are against violence and don't approve that it be countered
through violence. And it is not possible to counter this challenge
merely through the State's police force.”

Online edition of India's National Newspaper
Sunday, Apr 11, 2010

http://www.hindu.com/2010/04/11/stories/2010041165291400.htm

Naxalites melt away into forest & villages Skip to content.Naxalites
melt away into forest & villages .

.Raipur, April 11: Even five days after the massacre of 76 security
personnel in south Bastar district of Chhattisgarh, the police and
paramilitary forces on Sunday continued to draw a blank, appearing far
from any position of advantage vis-à-vis their ongoing inter-state
joint operation to track down the Naxalites involved in the ambush.
A senior Chhattisgarh police officer engaged in this intense operation
told this correspondent on Sunday that after their primary lead that
the Naxalites had divided themselves into three groups and were
heading in three directions, it had been gathered through their
network of informers in the villages that the Naxalites had split into
even smaller groups. When asked about their weapons and ammunition,
the officer said that the Naxals usually hide them at the houses of
their trained cadres in the villages and that it is very difficult to
detect them. Once the Naxalites leave their formations, they pass off
as any villager by the roadside or in a busy village “haat (community
market)”.
Chhattisgarh additional director-general of police (anti-Naxalite
operations) Ramniwas reiterated on Sunday evening that they had
information that two “companies” of Naxalites (about 200 trained men)
had crossed over to Malkangiri in Orissa, but so far the search
operation in that territory has drawn a blank.
While the joint operation against the Naxalites continues in Bastar
region of Chhattisgarh and the adjoining states of Orissa and Andhra
Pradesh, and in the midst of the charge that the CRPF men had not been
given jungle warfare training before being posted in the Naxalite-
affected area, a committed body of men — 750 of them — are undergoing
gruelling jungle warfare training to combat Naxals at the Counter-
Terrorism and Jungle Warfare College (CJWC) near Kanker, on the Raipur-
Jagdalpur highway. The jawans being trained here are undeterred by the
massacre of the 76 CRPF men. When this correspondent talked to these
men, one of them said: “We are here on a mission and shall not deviate
from our goal.”
State police spokesman R.K. Vij said that besides those being inducted
into anti-Naxal operations from the Chhattisgarh armed police and
paramilitary forces, policemen from Jharkhand and Maharashtra have
also been trained at the CJWC.

Lalit Shastri

http://www.asianage.com/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=8684:naxalites-melt-away-into-forest-a-villages-&catid=34:top-story&Itemid=59

Naxal probe panel to visit spot this week .
Monday, 12 April 2010 03:40

.New Delhi, April 11: A one-man inquiry committee appointed to probe
the recent Naxals attack in Dantewada in Chattisgarh, which killed 76
CRPF personnel, is expected to visit the spot this week.
Former chief of Border Security Force E.N. Rammohan has already
started collecting relevant information, like the command structure,
hierarchy and the decision concerning the operation and quality of
training imparted to the Central security forces which were attacked
by the Naxalites. Besides, Mr Rammohan visited Central Reserve Police
Force headquarters here and met director-general of the the force,
Vikram Srivastava, on Saturday. Sources said that the probe committee
has sought call detail records of the mobile telephones used by the
deceased and injured personnel of CRPF during the encounter on April
6.
During his visit to the spot — Tarmetla, Dantewada district, and state
headquarters, Raipur — Rammohan will also interact with CRPF
officials, the local police and civil officials and injured jawans.
The inquiry committee will submit its report on April 24.
Sources further said Mr Rammohan will also gather evidence from family
members and others, who had spoken to some of the CRPF men during the
ambush. The 69-year-old, 1965 batch Assam-Meghalaya cadre IPS officer,
will also examine the response of the state police and the CRPF during
the ambush and post-ambush period, relief and rescue operations.
In his report, which will be submitted to the home ministry, he will
also suggest measures to mitigate lapses, if any, so that such
incidents do not occur in the future.

Age Correspondent

http://www.asianage.com/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=8758:naxal-probe-panel-to-visit-spot-this-week&catid=35:india&Itemid=60

India Naxal attack: State role under scanner

Monday, 12 April 2010 03:39

.New Delhi, April. 11: The role of the Chhattisgarh government has
also come under the scanner after the worst-ever Naxal attack in
Dantewada last week that left 76 Central Reserve Police Force (CRPF)
men dead.
Sources in the Central security agencies revealed that specific
intelligence inputs about the possible Naxal attack in the region was
given to the state government in the month of March. However, a
section of top ranking officials of the state police did not share the
inputs with other senior police officials, sources said
Talking to this newspaper, a high ranking official of the Central
security agency said, “It becomes the duty of the top brass of the
police officials of the state to share intelligence inputs, provided
by the centre, with the officers, including para-military forces,
engaged in the nati-Naxal operations.”
Why not available inputs were discussed with senior officials holding
crucial posts in the state police, this must be probed, sources said,
adding that action must be taken against the erring officials.
“Who engaged the Central security forces in the area domination
exercise without even a single senior official of the state police?
Why not the operational map of the area was provided to the commanding
officer of the Central forces? These are certain questions which need
to be probed,” sources said.
Meanwhile, the CRPF has instructed its all battalions engaged in the
anti-Naxal operations in different states in the country to remain
extra alert and adhere to the standard operation procedure (SOP)
during force movements.
A senior official of the CRPF said, “With the Naxals warning of more
Dantewada type of attacks, our forces deployed in the Naxal-affected
states will have to remain on high alert. State police have also been
instructed to remain on high alert.”
The Dantewada massacre has brought to the fore the urgent need for a
nuanced approach among major political parties over tackling the
Maoist problem even though mainstream parties have favoured a tough
line.
The two main national parties have officially advocated a hardline
stand against the Naxals but voices have arisen from within for
addressing the basic issue of economic and social deprivation.

Age Correspondent

http://www.asianage.com/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=8757:naxal-attack-state-role-under-scanner&catid=35:india&Itemid=60

http://navanavonmilita.wordpress.com/india-ink-sid-harth-7/

...and I am Sid Harth
navanavonmilita
2010-04-14 12:49:50 UTC
Permalink
Caste, Cast in Stone: Sid Harth

Gotra
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Part of a series on
Hinduism

Unsourced material may be challenged and removed. (November 2009)

A gotra is the lineage or clan assigned to a Hindu at birth. In most
cases, the system is patrilineal and the gotra assigned is that of the
person's father. Other terms for it are vansh, vanshaj, bedagu,
purvik, purvajan, pitru. An individual may decide to identify his
lineage by a different gotra, or combination of gotras.

According to strict Hindu tradition, the term gotra is used only for
the lineages of Brahmin, Kshatriya and Vaishya varnas[citation
needed]. Brahminical gotra relates directly to the original seven or
eight rishis of the Vedas[citation needed]. Later, the term gotra was
expanded beyond Brahmin[citation needed].

A gotra must be distinguished from a kula. A kula is a set of people
following similar cultural rituals, often worshiping the same divinity
(the Kula-Devata, god of the clan). Kula does not relate to lineage or
caste. In fact, it is possible to change one's kula, based on one's
faith or Iṣṭa-devatā.

It is common practice in preparation for Hindu marriage to inquire
about the kula-gotra (meaning clan lineage) of the bride and groom
before approving the marriage. In almost all Hindu families, marriage
within the same gotra is prohibited, since people with same gotra are
considered to be siblings. But marriage within the kula is allowed and
even preferred.

Shudras also have gotras, and follow them in marriages[citation
needed]. For example a weaver falls under Markandeya gotra. Markandeya
was known be a Maharishi and had 60 sons. Marriages are held within
Markandeya but never in same family name. So, every weaver falls under
one of these gotra. The family name is given by the Brahmin or Guru's
name[citation needed].

Origin of gotra

In Vedic Sanskrit, the word "gotra" originally meant "cow-pen." [1]
Cows were at the time (which time?) the most valuable possession of a
family group, so with time, the term "gotra" began to refer to the
family group who owned a particular pen of cows[citation needed]. The
term was associated eventually with just the family group and its
lineage.

Gotra is the Sanskrit term for a much older system of tribal
clans[citation needed]. The Sanskrit term "Gotra" was initially used
by the Vedic people [citation needed] for the identification of the
lineages. Generally, these lineages mean patrilineal descent from the
sages or rishis in Brahmins, warriors and administrators in Kshatriyas
and ancestral trademen in Vaisyas[citation needed].

The lineage system, either patrilineal or matrilineal, was followed by
the South Asian people. In present-day Hinduism, Gotra is applied to
all the lineage systems. Many Hindu castes have lineages that do not
follow Vedic classification.

A brahmin, though solely eligible to be regarded as such by virtue of
being born of, at the least, A male brahmin and a female Brahmin, or a
female who is seven parts out of eight Brahmin and in no part a Shudra
or non-dwija lineage (Manu-Smriti)[citation needed], must nevertheless
be reborn by the rite of the thread ceremony at an age earlier than
that permissible to the Kshatriya and Vaisya classes and is
traditionally expected to display learning and intellect befitting a
Brahmin[citation needed]. Those born low could become a Brahmin in
their next life[citation needed] by elevating his learning and conduct
and similarly one who had achieved Brahmanical status could be pushed
to a lower strata if his conduct came to demand such
relegation[citation needed]. A Brahmin must be "Re-born" and that is
why he is called "Dwija- twice born".

The case of sage Vishwamitra is the example. Thus the gotra must have
been of the lineage of the learning one chose rather than the lineage
of one's birth. Rama is stated to be the descendant of Ikshwaku, but
the lineage was broken when Kalmashpada got his son through Niyoga of
Vasishta with Kalmashapad's wife Madayanthi, and not through a
biological liaison. Yet Rama is said to be Ikshwaku's descendant and
not of Vasishta. Some claim of a continuous biological linkage with
the moola purusha [or most significant personality] of the Gothra,
where as it need not be the case. Some times, a Gotra is based on the
Guru for the family or one of the ancestors. Many of the Niyogi
Brahmins have descended from a Niyoga liaison, but not a marital
liaison[citation needed].

Marriages and gotras

In a patrilineal Hindu society (most common), the bride belongs to her
father's gotra before the marriage, and to her husband's gotra after
the marriage. The groom on the other hand only belongs to his father's
gotra throughout his life.

Marriages within the gotra ('sagotra' marriages) are not permitted
under the rule of exogamy in the traditional matrimonial system. The
word 'sagotra' is union the words 'saga' + gotra, where 'saga' means
same or similar. People within the gotra are regarded as kin and
marrying such a person would be thought of as incest. The Tamil words
'sagotharan' (brother) and 'sagothari' (sister) derive their roots
from the word 'sagotra'. In communities where gotra membership passed
from father to children, marriages were allowed between maternal uncle
and niece[2], while such marriages were forbidden in matrilineal
communities, like Malayalis and Tuluvas, where gotra membership was
passed down from the mother.

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Exogamy
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kin
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kinship
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Incest
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Matrilineal
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Malayali
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tuluva

A much more common characteristic of south Indian Hindu society is
permission for marriage between cross-cousins (children of brother and
sister). Thus, a man is allowed to marry his maternal uncle's daughter
or his paternal aunt's daughter, but is not allowed to marry his
father's brother's daughter. She would be considered a parallel cousin
who is treated as a sister.[3]

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Cross-cousin
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Parallel_cousin

North Indian Hindu society not only follows the rules of gotra for
marriages, but also had many regulations which went beyond the basic
definition of gotra and had a broader definition of incestuousness.[4]
Some communities in North India do not allow marriage with some other
communities on the lines that both the Communities are having
brotherhood.[5]

An acceptable social workaround for sagotra marriages is to perform a
'Dathu' (adoption) of the bride to a family of different gotra
(usually dathu is given to the bride's maternal uncle who obviously
belongs to different gotra by the same rule) and let them perform the
'kanniyadhanam' ('kanni' (virgin) + 'dhanam' (gift)). However, this is
easier said as it would be quite difficult for the bride's father to
watch another man give his daughter's hand away in marriage in his own
presence.

List of gotras

Main article: List of gotras
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/List_of_gotras

See also

Brahmin gotra system http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Brahmin_gotra_system
Thogata Veera Kshatriya Gotra System
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Special:WhatLinksHere/Thogata_Veera_Kshatriya_Gotra_System
Tuluva Malayali lineage system http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tuluva_Malayali_lineage_system
Hindu genealogy registers at Haridwar http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hindu_genealogy_registers_at_Haridwar
List of Brahmin gotras http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/List_of_Brahmin_gotras
Pravaras http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Pravaras
List of Kongu Vellala kootams http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Special:Search/List_of_Kongu_Vellala_kootams
Bhatias gotra system http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Special:Search&search=Banias+gotra+system&ns0=1&redirs=0
Jat clans http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jat_clans

Notes

^ Cologne Digital Sanskrit Lexicon:
http://webapps.uni-koeln.de/cgi-bin/tamil/recherche?dictionary=mwd&prst=exact&st=gotra
^ http://countrystudies.us/india/86.htm
^ http://neurologyasia.org/articles/20073_015.pdf
^ http://anthro.palomar.edu/marriage/marriage_3.htm
^ http://www.indianexpress.com/news/haryana-panchayat-takes-on-govt-over-samegotra-marriage/491548/

References

Ruegg, D. Seyfort (1976). 'The Meanings of the Term "Gotra" and the
Textual History of the "Ratnagotravibhāga"'. Bulletin of the School of
Oriental and African Studies, University of London, Vol. 39, No. 2
(1976), pp. 341–363

External links

Brahmin Sages and Branches (Gotras and Subcastes)
http://www.vedah.net/manasanskriti/Brahmins.html#Brahmin_Sages_and_Branches
gotra http://www.gurjari.net/ico/Mystica/html/gotra.htm
Goelji.com is a community portal of baniyas http://goelji.com/
Marriage Ceremonies http://www.sanathanadharma.com/samskaras/index.htm#VIVAHA
Encyclopedia Britannica
Retrieved from "http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Gotra"

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Gotra

List of gotras
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

This article is an orphan, as few or no other articles link to it.
Please introduce links to this page from related articles; suggestions
are available. (March 2010)

The word gotra means "lineage" in the Sanskrit language. While it is
somewhat akin to a family name, the given name of a family is often
different from its gotra, as given names may reflect the traditional
occupation, place of residence or other important family
characteristic rather than gotra.

People belonging to the same gotra also belong to the same caste in
the Hindu social system. But there is a notable exception among
matrilineal Tulu/Malayalee speakers where the lineages are the same
across the castes. For such lists of gotras compounded by caste, refer
to the following:

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Caste

Brahmins:

refer to List of Brahmin gotras http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/List_of_Brahmin_gotras
Vysyas:

refer to Komati (caste) http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Komati_(caste)
Velamas:

refer to Velama (caste) http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Velama_(caste)
Dhangars:

refer to List of Dhangar clans in India
Gurjars:

refer to List of Gujjar clans http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/List_of_Dhangar_clans_in_India
Kammas http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kamma_(caste)
Khatris:

refer to List of Khatri last names http://en.wiktionary.org/wiki/Appendix:Khatri_surnames
Kapu/Telaga/Balija/Naidu [1] http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kapu_(caste)
Nairs http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nair
Reddys http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Reddy
Rajputs: refer to Rajput clans http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Rajput_clans
Jats: refer to List of Jat clans http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/List_of_Jat_clans
Tuluva/Malayalees: refer to Tuluva Malayali lineage system
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tuluva_Malayali_lineage_system
Rohillas: refer to List of Rohilla Gotra http://www.rohillarajput.com/pgGotraList.aspx
Boyar caste: refer to Boyar gotras
Mudaliars http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Boyar_gotras
Oraons http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Oraon

Hindu gotras

Sawarna (The highest ranked gotra among Brahimns)
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sawarna_(The_highest_ranked_gotra_among_Brahimns)

Bhardwaj http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bharadwaj
Agastya http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Agastya
Angirasa http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Angiras_(sage)
Atri http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Atri
Bhrigu http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bhrigus
Kashyapa http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kashyapa
Vasistha http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Vasistha
Vishvamitra http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Vishvamitra
Pamidikula
Grandhisila
Dosodia
Siwal http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Siwal
Serawat
Haritasa హరితస

External links

Oswal Vansh and its gotras http://www.shriosiyamataji.org/osvansh.html

http://www.salagram.net/sstp-Gotras.html

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/List_of_gotras

Category:Indian castes
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

The main article for this category is Indian caste system
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Indian_caste_system

[−] Indian castes
[+] Agarwal
[+] Ahluwalia
[+] Arora clans
[+] Bania communities
[+] Brahmins
[+] Bunts
[+] Dalit
[+] Dalit community
[+] Ezhava
[+] Goud
[+] Kak
[+] Kayastha
[+] Khatri clans
[+] Kshatriya
[+] Labana
[+] Maratha clans
[+] Mogaveeras
[+] Mohyal
[+] Ror
[+] Weaving communities of South Asia

Contents: Top · 0–9 · A B C D E F G H I J K L M N O P Q R S T
U V W X Y Z

(previous 200) (next 200)

Subcategories

This category has the following 18 subcategories, out of 20 total.

A

[+] Agarwal (1 C, 10 P)
[+] Ahluwalia (4 P)
[+] Arora clans (6 P)

B

[+] Bania communities (25 P)
[+] Brahmins (3 C, 30 P)
[+] Bunts (2 P) D
[+] Dalit (6 C, 64 P)
[+] Dalit community (3 C, 9 P)

E

[+] Ezhava (33 P)

G

[+] Goud (3 P)

K

[+] Kak (5 P)
[+] Kayastha (10 P) K cont.
[+] Khatri clans (180 P)
[+] Kshatriya (3 C, 92 P)

L

[+] Labana (9 P)

M

[+] Maratha clans (11 P)
[+] Mogaveeras (7 P)
[+] Mohyal (8 P)

Pages in category "Indian castes"

The following 182 pages are in this category, out of 303 total.
This list may not reflect recent changes (learn more).

2

24 Manai Telugu Chettiars

A

Achari
Adaviyar
Adisaivar
Agamudaya Mudaliar
Agrawal
Ahluwalia
Aitch (Aich)
Aiyarika Patrulu
Alavan
Ambalavasi
Ambashtha
Ambat Sivarama Menon
Anjana Chaudhari
Anuppan
Arayan
Ashtagrama Iyer

B

Babboor Kamme
Bachara
Bais Rajput
Balija
Bangar (caste)
Bania (caste)
Banjara
Barnwal
Barwar (caste)
Bhaiband
Bhatnagar
Bhishti
Bhumihar
Billava
Boyar (caste)

C

Candala

Template:Caste Groups of India (Isai Vellalar)
Template:Caste Groups of India (Kongu Vellalar)
Template:Caste Groups of India (Vellalar)
Chakkala Nair
Chakyar
Chamar
Chandala
Channar
Chekavar
Chettiar
Chitrapur Saraswat Brahmin
Chozhia Vellalar
Chura
Cochin GSB's

D

Daivadnya
Dalit
Dangi
Dashora
Datla
Desigar
Devadiga
Devanga
Dewangan
Dhadhor
Dhangar
Dheevara
Domba
Dusadh

E

Elur Chetty
Ezhava

G

Gaderia
Gakhar Hindus
Gangaputra Brahmin
Garha
Ghate Bania
Ghirth
Goravayyalu
Goud

List of Gouds

List of Gurjars

Guradikapu

H

Halbi
Halwai
Havyaka Brahmin
Holar (people)

I

User:ISKapoor/sandbox4
Idangai
Ilayath
Illathu Nair
Illathu Pillaimar
Iluvar
Irulas
Isai Vellalar
Itasseri Nair
Iyengar
Iyer

J

Jaddu
Jenu Kuruba
Jogi (castes)
Jogi Faqir
Jāti

K

Kachhi (caste)
Kadava Patidar
Kadia (Muslim)
Kadu Kuruba
Kaimal
Kainth
Kalbi
Kaler
Kalingi
Kalwar
Kamma (caste)

List of Kammas

Kandera
Kanet
Kanjar
Kapu (caste)
List of Kapus
Karanam
Karkarthar
Karmani
Kartha
Kashmiri Muslim tribes from Hindu Lineage
Kathi (caste)
Kavutheeyya
Kayastha
List of Kayasthas
Kesarvani
Kewat

K cont.

Khandelwal
Khant (caste)
Kharol
Kharwa (caste)
Kirar
Kiryathil Nair
List of Kodavas
Koiry
Konar
Kongu Vellalar
Konkani Brahmins
Kori (people)
Koshti
Kulin Brahmin
Kulina sub-caste
Kunbi
Kuruba
Kurukkal
Kurumbar
Kurup
Kushwaha

L

Labana
Labbay
Lal Begi
Lavana
Leva Patil
List of gotras
List of Indian castes
List of Kongu Vellalar Kootams
List of Labanas
List of Vellalar sub castes
Lodh
Lohana
Lok Rajput
Lonari
Lonia

M

Maaran
Madiga
Mahishya
Mahton
Mahuri
Maiya
Mala (caste)
Malayali Brahmins
Mali (phul)
Mali caste
Malkana
Mangali
Mangela Kolis
Maratha
Maurya caste
Menon (Nair subcaste)
Mochi (caste)
Modh
Mogaveera
Mudaliar
List of Mudaliars
Mukkulathor
Mukkuvar
Munnuru Kapu


(previous 200) (next 200)

Retrieved from "http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Category:Indian_castes"

Subcategories

This category has the following 2 subcategories, out of 20 total.

R

[+] Ror (20 P)

W

[+] Weaving communities of South Asia (10 P)

Pages in category "Indian castes"
The following 121 pages are in this category, out of 303 total. This
list may not reflect recent changes (learn more).

M

Murao
Muslim Dhobi
N
Nadan (Nadar subcaste)
Nadar (caste)
Nagarathar
Nai (caste)
Nair
Namasudra
Nambiar (Ambalavasi/Mizhavu)
Nambiar (Nair subcaste)
Randu illom vargam
Randuthara Achanmār
Nambidi
Nambudiri
Narikurava
Natrayat Rajput
Navnat
Nethakani
Niyogi

P

Padamangalam Nair
Padayatchi
Padmashali
Pancha-Gauda
Panicker
Paravas
Parekh
Pasi (caste)
Pathare Prabhu
Patnūlkarar
Patwa
Perike
Pillai (Nair title)
Pillai (title)
Pingali
Pothuval
Punjabi Banias
Purohitan

Q

Qassab

R

Rai (Indian)
Rai Bhat
Rajputs of Gujarat

R cont.

Rajus
Ramdasia
Rastogi
User:Ravinder121
Reddy
Ror

S

Sadh
Sagar (caste)
Sahariya (caste)
Sakaldwipiya
Sakaldwipiya History
Salaat (caste)
Saliya
Salvi (caste)
Samantha Kshatriya
Samanthan Nair
Sambandam
Saraswat Brahmin http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Saraswat_Brahmin
Saryupareen Brahmins http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Saryupareen_Brahmins
Seer Karuneegar http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Seer_Karuneegar
Sengunthar http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sengunthar
Settibalija http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Settibalija
Shudra http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Shudra
Sinha http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sinha
Soliga http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Somvanshi_Kshatriya_Pathare
Somvanshi Kshatriya http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Somvanshi_Pathare_Kshatriya
Somvanshi Kshatriya Pathare
Somvanshi Pathare Kshatriya
Sondhia http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sondhia
Sunar http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sunar
Sunar (caste) http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sunar_(caste)
Sundhi http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sundhi
Suryavanshi Aare Katika http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Suryavanshi_Aare_Katika
Suthar http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Suthar
Swakula Sali http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Swakula_Sali
Swaroopathil Nair http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Swaroopathil_Nair
Syrian Malabar Nasrani http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Syrian_Malabar_Nasrani

T

Tamil Padam Nair http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tamil_Padam_Nair
Telaga http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Telaga
Teli http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Teli
Telugu castes http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Telugu_castes

T cont.

Thakore http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Thakore
Thampan http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Thampan
Thandan http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Thandan
Thathera http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Thathera
Thigala http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Thigala
Thirumulpad http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Thirumulpad
Thogataveera http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Thogataveera
Thondaimandala Mudaliar http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Thondaimandala_Mudaliar
Tirgar http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tirgar
Tuluva Brahmins http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tuluva_Brahmins
Tuluva Hebbars http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tuluva_Hebbars
Turaiha http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Turaiha
Tyagi http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tyagi

U

Unnithan http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Unnithan
Uppara http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Uppara
Urali gounder http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Urali_gounder

V

Vaishya Vani http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Vaishya_Vani
Valand http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Valand
Valangai http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Valangai
Valiathan http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Valiathan
Vaniya Chettiar http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Vaniya_Chettiar
Vanjari (caste) http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Vanjari_(caste)

List of Vanniars

Vanniyar http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Vanniyar
List of Vanniyar subcaste http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/List_of_Vanniyar_subcaste
Vanzha http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Vanzha
Vatandar http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Vatandar
Velama (caste) http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Velama_(caste)
Vellala Mudaliar http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Vellala_Mudaliar
Vellalar http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Vellalar
Vijayvargiya http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Vijayvargiya
Vishwakarma (caste) http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Vishwakarma_(caste)
Vishwakarmas of Karnataka http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Vishwakarmas_of_Karnataka
Vokkaliga http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Vokkaliga

Y

Yadav http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Yadav
List of Yadavs http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/List_of_Yadavs
Yellapu http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Yellapu
Yerukala http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Yerukala

τ

Template:Caste Groups of India (Kamma)
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Template:Caste_Groups_of_India_(Kamma)

(previous 200) (next 200)

Retrieved from "http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Category:Indian_castes"
http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Category:Indian_castes&from=Murao

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Category:Kinship_and_descent
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/List_of_gotras

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Caste_system_in_India

http://navanavonmilita.wordpress.com/caste-cast-in-stone-sid-harth-2/

...and I am Sid Harth
navanavonmilita
2010-04-14 19:57:25 UTC
Permalink
Post by navanavonmilita
Caste, Cast in Stone: Sid Harth
Gotra
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Part of a series on
Hinduism
  Unsourced material may be challenged and removed. (November 2009)
A gotra is the lineage or clan assigned to a Hindu at birth. In most
cases, the system is patrilineal and the gotra assigned is that of the
person's father. Other terms for it are vansh, vanshaj, bedagu,
purvik, purvajan, pitru. An individual may decide to identify his
lineage by a different gotra, or combination of gotras.
According to strict Hindu tradition, the term gotra is used only for
the lineages of Brahmin, Kshatriya and Vaishya varnas[citation
needed]. Brahminical gotra relates directly to the original seven or
eight rishis of the Vedas[citation needed]. Later, the term gotra was
expanded beyond Brahmin[citation needed].
A gotra must be distinguished from a kula. A kula is a set of people
following similar cultural rituals, often worshiping the same divinity
(the Kula-Devata, god of the clan). Kula does not relate to lineage or
caste. In fact, it is possible to change one's kula, based on one's
faith or Iṣṭa-devatā.
It is common practice in preparation for Hindu marriage to inquire
about the kula-gotra (meaning clan lineage) of the bride and groom
before approving the marriage. In almost all Hindu families, marriage
within the same gotra is prohibited, since people with same gotra are
considered to be siblings. But marriage within the kula is allowed and
even preferred.
Shudras also have gotras, and follow them in marriages[citation
needed]. For example a weaver falls under Markandeya gotra. Markandeya
was known be a Maharishi and had 60 sons. Marriages are held within
Markandeya but never in same family name. So, every weaver falls under
one of these gotra. The family name is given by the Brahmin or Guru's
name[citation needed].
Origin of gotra
In Vedic Sanskrit, the word "gotra" originally meant "cow-pen." [1]
Cows were at the time (which time?) the most valuable possession of a
family group, so with time, the term "gotra" began to refer to the
family group who owned a particular pen of cows[citation needed]. The
term was associated eventually with just the family group and its
lineage.
Gotra is the Sanskrit term for a much older system of tribal
clans[citation needed]. The Sanskrit term "Gotra" was initially used
by the Vedic people [citation needed] for the identification of the
lineages. Generally, these lineages mean patrilineal descent from the
sages or rishis in Brahmins, warriors and administrators in Kshatriyas
and ancestral trademen in Vaisyas[citation needed].
The lineage system, either patrilineal or matrilineal, was followed by
the South Asian people. In present-day Hinduism, Gotra is applied to
all the lineage systems. Many Hindu castes have lineages that do not
follow Vedic classification.
A brahmin, though solely eligible to be regarded as such by virtue of
being born of, at the least, A male brahmin and a female Brahmin, or a
female who is seven parts out of eight Brahmin and in no part a Shudra
or non-dwija lineage (Manu-Smriti)[citation needed], must nevertheless
be reborn by the rite of the thread ceremony at an age earlier than
that permissible to the Kshatriya and Vaisya classes and is
traditionally expected to display learning and intellect befitting a
Brahmin[citation needed]. Those born low could become a Brahmin in
their next life[citation needed] by elevating his learning and conduct
and similarly one who had achieved Brahmanical status could be pushed
to a lower strata if his conduct came to demand such
relegation[citation needed]. A Brahmin must be "Re-born" and that is
why he is called "Dwija- twice born".
The case of sage Vishwamitra is the example. Thus the gotra must have
been of the lineage of the learning one chose rather than the lineage
of one's birth. Rama is stated to be the descendant of Ikshwaku, but
the lineage was broken when Kalmashpada got his son through Niyoga of
Vasishta with Kalmashapad's wife Madayanthi, and not through a
biological liaison. Yet Rama is said to be Ikshwaku's descendant and
not of Vasishta. Some claim of a continuous biological linkage with
the moola purusha [or most significant personality] of the Gothra,
where as it need not be the case. Some times, a Gotra is based on the
Guru for the family or one of the ancestors. Many of the Niyogi
Brahmins have descended from a Niyoga liaison, but not a marital
liaison[citation needed].
Marriages and gotras
In a patrilineal Hindu society (most common), the bride belongs to her
father's gotra before the marriage, and to her husband's gotra after
the marriage. The groom on the other hand only belongs to his father's
gotra throughout his life.
Marriages within the gotra ('sagotra' marriages) are not permitted
under the rule of exogamy in the traditional matrimonial system. The
word 'sagotra' is union the words 'saga' + gotra, where 'saga' means
same or similar. People within the gotra are regarded as kin and
marrying such a person would be thought of as incest. The Tamil words
'sagotharan' (brother) and 'sagothari' (sister) derive their roots
from the word 'sagotra'. In communities where gotra membership passed
from father to children, marriages were allowed between maternal uncle
and niece[2], while such marriages were forbidden in matrilineal
communities, like Malayalis and Tuluvas, where gotra membership was
passed down from the mother.
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Exogamyhttp://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kinhttp://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kinshiphttp://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Incesthttp://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Matrilinealhttp://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Malayalihttp://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tuluva
A much more common characteristic of south Indian Hindu society is
permission for marriage between cross-cousins (children of brother and
sister). Thus, a man is allowed to marry his maternal uncle's daughter
or his paternal aunt's daughter, but is not allowed to marry his
father's brother's daughter. She would be considered a parallel cousin
who is treated as a sister.[3]
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Cross-cousinhttp://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Parallel_cousin
North Indian Hindu society not only follows the rules of gotra for
marriages, but also had many regulations which went beyond the basic
definition of gotra and had a broader definition of incestuousness.[4]
Some communities in North India do not allow marriage with some other
communities on the lines that both the Communities are having
brotherhood.[5]
An acceptable social workaround for sagotra marriages is to perform a
'Dathu' (adoption) of the bride to a family of different gotra
(usually dathu is given to the bride's maternal uncle who obviously
belongs to different gotra by the same rule) and let them perform the
'kanniyadhanam' ('kanni' (virgin) + 'dhanam' (gift)). However, this is
easier said as it would be quite difficult for the bride's father to
watch another man give his daughter's hand away in marriage in his own
presence.
List of gotras
Main article: List of gotrashttp://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/List_of_gotras
See also
Brahmin gotra systemhttp://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Brahmin_gotra_system
Thogata Veera Kshatriya Gotra Systemhttp://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Special:WhatLinksHere/Thogata_Veera_Ksha...
Tuluva Malayali lineage systemhttp://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tuluva_Malayali_lineage_system
Hindu genealogy registers at Haridwarhttp://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hindu_genealogy_registers_at_Haridwar
List of Brahmin gotrashttp://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/List_of_Brahmin_gotras
Pravarashttp://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Pravaras
List of Kongu Vellala kootamshttp://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Special:Search/List_of_Kongu_Vellala_koo...
Bhatias gotra systemhttp://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Special:Search&search=Bania...
Jat clanshttp://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jat_clans
Notes
^ Cologne Digital Sanskrit Lexicon:http://webapps.uni-koeln.de/cgi-bin/tamil/recherche?dictionary=mwd&pr...
^http://countrystudies.us/india/86.htm
^http://neurologyasia.org/articles/20073_015.pdf
^http://anthro.palomar.edu/marriage/marriage_3.htm
^http://www.indianexpress.com/news/haryana-panchayat-takes-on-govt-ove...
References
Ruegg, D. Seyfort (1976). 'The Meanings of the Term "Gotra" and the
Textual History of the "Ratnagotravibhāga"'. Bulletin of the School of
Oriental and African Studies, University of London, Vol. 39, No. 2
(1976), pp. 341–363
External links
Brahmin Sages and Branches (Gotras and Subcastes)http://www.vedah.net/manasanskriti/Brahmins.html#Brahmin_Sages_and_Br...
gotrahttp://www.gurjari.net/ico/Mystica/html/gotra.htm
Goelji.com is a community portal of baniyashttp://goelji.com/
Marriage Ceremonieshttp://www.sanathanadharma.com/samskaras/index.htm#VIVAHA
Encyclopedia Britannica
Retrieved from "http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Gotra"
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Gotra
List of gotras
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
 This article is an orphan, as few or no other articles link to it.
Please introduce links to this page from related articles; suggestions
are available. (March 2010)
The word gotra means "lineage" in the Sanskrit language. While it is
somewhat akin to a family name, the given name of a family is often
different from its gotra, as given names may reflect the traditional
occupation, place of residence or other important family
characteristic rather than gotra.
People belonging to the same gotra also belong to the same caste in
the Hindu social system. But there is a notable exception among
matrilineal Tulu/Malayalee speakers where the lineages are the same
across the castes. For such lists of gotras compounded by caste, refer
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Caste
refer to List of Brahmin gotrashttp://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/List_of_Brahmin_gotras
refer to Komati (caste)http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Komati_(caste)
read more »...
navanavonmilita
2010-04-15 14:08:40 UTC
Permalink
Of God, Godmen and Good men: Sid Harth

Francis of Assisi
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

This article's introduction section may not adequately summarize its
contents. To comply with Wikipedia's lead section guidelines, please
consider expanding the lead to provide an accessible overview of the
article's key points. (February 2010)

This article is about the friar and patron saint.

Saint Francis of Assisi
Painting by Jusepe de Ribera
Confessor
Born 1181/1182, Italy
Died October 4, 1226, Assisi, Italy
Venerated in Catholic Church, Anglican Church
Canonized July 16, 1228, Assisi by Pope Gregory IX
Major shrine Basilica of San Francesco d'Assisi
Feast October 4
Attributes Cross, Dove, Pax et Bonum, Poor Franciscan habit, Stigmata
Patronage animals, Catholic Action, environment, merchants,
Meycauayan, Italy, Brgy. San Francisco, San Pablo City, Philippines,
stowaways[1]
Saint Francis of Assisi (Giovanni Francesco di Bernardone; 1181/1182 –
October 3, 1226)[2] was a Catholic deacon and preacher. He also was
the founder of the Order of Friars Minor, more commonly known as the
Franciscans.

He is known as the patron saint of animals, the environment and one of
the two patrons of Italy (with Catherine of Siena), and it is
customary for Catholic churches to hold ceremonies blessing animals on
his feast day of 4 October.[3]

Childhood and early adulthood

Francis was one of seven children born to Pietro di Bernardone, a rich
cloth merchant, and his wife Pica, about whom little is known except
that she was originally from France[4]. Pietro was in France on
business when Francis was born, and Pica had him baptised as Giovanni
di Bernardone[3] in honor of Saint John the Baptist, in the hope he
would grow to be a great religious leader. When his father returned to
Assisi, he took to calling him Francesco, possibly in honor of his
commercial success and enthusiasm for all things French.[5]

As a youth, Francesco—or Francis in English—became a devotee of
troubadours and was fascinated with all things French.[2][5] Although
many hagiographers remark about his bright clothing, rich friends,
street brawls, and love of pleasure,[4] his displays of
disillusionment toward the world that surrounded him came fairly early
in his life, as is shown in the "story of the beggar." In this
account, he was selling cloth and velvet in the marketplace on behalf
of his father when a beggar came to him and asked for alms. At the
conclusion of his business deal, Francis abandoned his wares and ran
after the beggar. When he found him, Francis gave the man everything
he had in his pockets. His friends quickly chided and mocked him for
his act of charity. When he got home, his father scolded him in rage.
[6]

In 1201, he joined a military expedition against Perugia and was taken
as a prisoner at Collestrada, spending a year as a captive.[7] It is
possible that his spiritual conversion was a gradual process rooted in
this experience. Upon his return to Assisi in 1203, Francis returned
to his carefree life and in 1204, a serious illness led to a spiritual
crisis. In 1205 Francis left for Puglia to enlist in the army of the
Count of Brienne. A strange vision made him return to Assisi,
deepening his ecclesiastical awakening [2].

Francis of Assisi by Francisco de ZurbaránAccording to the
hagiographic legend, thereafter he began to avoid the sports and the
feasts of his former companions; in response, they asked him
laughingly whether he was thinking of marrying, to which he answered
"yes, a fairer bride than any of you have ever seen", meaning his
"lady poverty". He spent much time in lonely places, asking God for
enlightenment. By degrees he took to nursing lepers, the most
repulsive victims in the lazar houses near Assisi. After a pilgrimage
to Rome, where he begged at the church doors for the poor, he said he
had had a mystical vision of Jesus Christ in the Church of San Damiano
just outside of Assisi, in which the Icon of Christ Crucified said to
him, "Francis, Francis, go and repair My house which, as you can see,
is falling into ruins". He thought this to mean the ruined church in
which he was presently praying, and so sold some cloth from his
father's store to assist the priest there for this purpose.[2][8]

His father Pietro, highly indignant, attempted to change his mind,
first with threats and then with beatings. After legal proceedings
before the bishop, Francis renounced his father and his patrimony,
laying aside even the garments he had received from him. For the next
couple of months he lived as a beggar in the region of Assisi.
Returning to the countryside around the town for two years this time,
he restored several ruined churches, among them the Porziuncola--
little chapel of St Mary of the Angels--just outside the town, which
later became his favorite abode.[8]

Founding of the Order of Friars Minor

At the end of this period (on February 24, 1209, according to Jordan
of Giano), Francis heard a sermon that changed his life. The sermon
was about Matthew 10:9, in which Christ tells his followers they
should go forth and proclaim that the Kingdom of Heaven was upon them,
that they should take no money with them, nor even a walking stick or
shoes for the road.[2] Francis was inspired to devote himself to a
life of poverty.[2]

Clad in a rough garment, barefoot, and, after the Evangelical precept,
without staff or scrip, he began to preach repentance.[2] He was soon
joined by his first follower, a prominent fellow townsman, the jurist
Bernardo di Quintavalle, who contributed all that he had to the work.
Within a year Francis had eleven followers. Francis chose never to be
ordained a priest and the community lived as "lesser brothers,"
fratres minores in Latin.[2]

The brothers lived a simple life in the deserted lazar house of Rivo
Torto near Assisi; but they spent much of their time wandering through
the mountainous districts of Umbria, always cheerful and full of
songs, yet making a deep impression upon their hearers by their
earnest exhortations.[2]

In 1209, Francis led his first eleven followers to Rome to seek
permission from Pope Innocent III to found a new religious order.[9]
Upon entry to Rome, the brothers encountered Bishop Guido of Assisi,
who had in his company Giovanni di San Paolo, the Cardinal Bishop of
Sabina. The Cardinal, who was the confessor of Pope Innocent III, was
immediately sympathetic to Francis and agreed to represent Francis to
the pope. Reluctantly, Pope Innocent agreed to meet with Francis and
the brothers the next day. After several days, the pope agreed to
admit the group informally, adding that when God increased the group
in grace and number, they could return for an official admittance. The
group was tonsured.[10]

Later life

Pope Innocent III has a dream of St. Francis of Assisi supporting the
tilting church (attributed to Giotto)From then on, his new order grew
quickly with new vocations.[11] When hearing Francis preaching in the
church of San Rufino in Assisi in 1209, Clare of Assisi became deeply
touched by his message and she realized her calling.[11] Her brother
Rufino also joined the new order.

On Palm Sunday, March 28, 1211 Francis received Clare at the
Porziuncola and hereby established the Order of Poor Ladies, later
called Poor Clares.[11] In the same year, Francis left for Jerusalem,
but he was shipwrecked by a storm on the Dalmatian coast, forcing him
to return to Italy.

On May 8, 1213 he was given the use of the mountain of La Verna
(Alverna) as a gift from the count Orlando di Chiusi who described it
as “eminently suitable for whoever wishes to do penance in a place
remote from mankind.”[12][13] The mountain would become one of his
favorite retreats for prayer.[13] In the same year, Francis sailed for
Morocco, but this time an illness forced him to break off his journey
in Spain. Back in Assisi, several noblemen (among them Tommaso da
Celano, who would later write the biography of St. Francis) and some
well-educated men joined his order.

In 1215 Francis went again to Rome for the Fourth Lateran Council.
During this time, he probably met Dominic de Guzman[1] (later to be
Saint Dominic, the founder of the Friars Preachers, another Catholic
religious order).

In 1217 the growing congregation of friars was divided into provinces
and groups were sent to France, Germany, Hungary, Spain and to the
East.

St. Francis before the Sultan — the trial by fire (fresco attributed
to Giotto)In 1219 Francis left, together with a few companions, on a
pilgrimage to Egypt. Crossing the lines between the sultan and the
Crusaders in Damietta, he was received by the sultan Melek-el-Kamel.[1]
[14] Francis challenged the Muslim scholars to a test of true religion
by fire; but they retreated.[1] When Francis proposed to enter the
fire first, under the condition that if he left the fire unharmed, the
sultan would have to recognize Christ as the true God, the sultan was
so impressed that he allowed Francis to preach to his subjects.[1][15]
Though Francis did not succeed in converting the sultan, the last
words of the sultan to Francis of Assisi were, according to Jacques de
Vitry, bishop of Acre, in his book "Historia occidentalis, De Ordine
et praedicatione Fratrum Minorum (1221)" : “Pray for me that God may
deign to reveal to me that law and faith which is most pleasing to
him.”.[16]

Francis's visit to Egypt and attempted rapprochement with the Muslim
world had far-reaching consequences, long past his own death, since
after the fall of the Crusader Kingdom it would be the Franciscans, of
all Catholics, who would be allowed to stay on in the Holy Land and be
recognised as "Custodians of the Holy Land" on behalf of Christianity.

Saint Francis of Assisi with the Sultan al-Kamil (15th century)At
Acre, the capital of what remained of the Kingdom of Jerusalem,
Francis rejoined the Order's brothers Elia and Pietro Cattini, and
then most probably visited the holy places in Palestine in 1220.

Although nativity drawings and paintings existed earlier, St Francis
of Assisi celebrated Christmas by setting up the first known three-
dimensional presepio or crèche (Nativity scene) in the town of Greccio
near Assisi, around 1220.[17] He used real animals to create a living
scene so that the worshipers could contemplate the birth of the child
Jesus in a direct way, making use of the senses, especially sight.[17]
Thomas of Celano, a biographer of Francis and Saint Bonaventure both,
tell how he only used a straw-filled manger (feeding trough) set
between a real ox and donkey.[17] According to Thomas, it was
beautiful in its simplicity with the manger acting as the altar for
the Christmas Mass.

When receiving a report of the martyrdom of five brothers in Morocco,
Francis returned to Italy via Venice.[18] Cardinal Ugolino di Conti
was then nominated by the Pope as the protector of the Order. On
September 29, 1220, Francis handed over the governance of the Order to
brother Pietro Catani at the Porziuncola. However, Brother Pietro died
only five months later, on March 10, 1221, and was buried in the
Porziuncola. When numerous miracles were attributed to the late Pietro
Catani, people started to flock to the Porziuncola, disturbing the
daily life of the Franciscans. Francis then prayed, asking Pietro to
stop the miracles and obey in death as he had obeyed during his life.
The report of miracles ceased. Brother Pietro was succeeded by Brother
Elias as Vicar of Francis.

During 1221 and 1222 Francis crossed Italy, first as far south as
Catania in Sicily and afterwards as far north as Bologna.

On November 29, 1223 the final Rule of the Order (in twelve chapters)
was approved by Pope Honorius III.

St. Francis receives the Stigmata (fresco attributed to Giotto)While
he was praying on the mountain of Verna, during a forty-day fast in
preparation for Michaelmas (September 29), Francis is said to have had
a vision on or about September 14, 1224, the Feast of the Exaltation
of the Cross, as a result of which he received the stigmata.[19]
Brother Leo, who had been with Francis at the time, left a clear and
simple account of the event, the first definite account of the
phenomenon of stigmata.[2][19] "Suddenly he saw a vision of a seraph,
a six-winged angel on a cross. This angel gave him the gift of the
five wounds of Christ."[19]

Suffering from these stigmata and from an eye disease, Francis
received care in several cities (Siena, Cortona, Nocera) to no avail.
In the end, he was brought back to a hut next to the Porziuncola.
Here, in the place where it all began, feeling the end approaching, he
spent the last days of his life dictating his spiritual testament. He
died on the evening of October 3, 1226, singing Psalm 141.

On July 16, 1228, he was pronounced a saint by Pope Gregory IX (the
former cardinal Ugolino di Conti, friend of St Francis and Cardinal
Protector of the Order). The next day, the Pope laid the foundation
stone for the Basilica of Saint Francis in Assisi.

He was buried on May 25, 1230, under the Lower Basilica. His burial
place remained inaccessible until it was reopened in 1818. Pasquale
Belli then constructed for his remains a crypt in neo-classical style
in the Lower Basilica. It was refashioned between 1927 and 1930 into
its present form by Ugo Tarchi, stripping the wall of its marble
decorations. In 1978 the remains of St. Francis were identified by a
commission of scholars appointed by Pope Paul VI, and put in a glass
urn in the ancient stone tomb.

Saint Francis is considered the first Italian poet by literary
critics. He believed commoners should be able to pray to God in their
own language, and he wrote often in the dialect of Umbria instead of
Latin. His writings are considered to have great literary value, as
well as religious.[20]

Feast day

Saint Francis's feast day is observed on October 4. In addition to
this feast, a secondary feast is still observed amongst Traditional
Roman Catholics and Franciscans worldwide in honor of the stigmata
received by St Francis celebrated on September 17 called "The
Impression of the Stigmata of St Francis, Confessor" (see the General
Roman Calendar as in 1954, the General Roman Calendar of Pope Pius
XII, and the General Roman Calendar of 1962). On June 18, 1939, Pope
Pius XII named him a joint Patron Saint of Italy along with Saint
Catherine of Siena with the apostolic letter "Licet Commissa", AAS
XXXI (1939), 256-257. Pius XII also remembered the two saints in the
laudative discourse he pronounced on May 5, 1949 in the Santa Maria
sopra Minerva Church.

Nature and the environment

A garden statue of Francis of Assisi with birdsMany of the stories
that surround the life of St. Francis deal with his love for animals.
[21] Perhaps the most famous incident that illustrates the Saint's
humility towards nature is recounted in the "Fioretti" ("Little
Flowers"), a collection of legends and folklore that sprang up after
the Saint's death. It is said that, one day, while Francis was
traveling with some companions, they happened upon a place in the road
where birds filled the trees on either side. Francis told his
companions to "wait for me while I go to preach to my sisters the
birds".[21] The birds surrounded him, drawn by the power of his voice,
and not one of them flew away. Francis spoke to them:

My sister birds, you owe much to God, and you must always and in
everyplace give praise to Him; for He has given you freedom to wing
through the sky and He has clothed you... you neither sow nor reap,
and God feeds you and gives you rivers and fountains for your thirst,
and mountains and valleys for shelter, and tall trees for your nests.
And although you neither know how to spin or weave, God dresses you
and your children, for the Creator loves you greatly and He blesses
you abundantly. Therefore... always seek to praise God.

Main article: Wolf of Gubbio http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Wolf_of_Gubbio

Another legend from the Fioretti tells that in the city of Gubbio,
where Francis lived for some time, was a wolf "terrifying and
ferocious, who devoured men as well as animals". Francis had
compassion upon the townsfolk, and went up into the hills to find the
wolf. Soon, fear of the animal had caused all his companions to flee,
though the saint pressed on. When he found the wolf, he made the sign
of the cross and commanded the wolf to come to him and hurt no one.
Miraculously the wolf closed his jaws and lay down at the feet of St.
Francis. "Brother Wolf, you do much harm in these parts and you have
done great evil...", said Francis. "All these people accuse you and
curse you... But brother wolf, I would like to make peace between you
and the people". Then Francis led the wolf into the town, and
surrounded by startled citizens made a pact between them and the wolf.
Because the wolf had “done evil out of hunger”, the townsfolk were to
feed the wolf regularly, and in return, the wolf would no longer prey
upon them or their flocks. In this manner Gubbio was freed from the
menace of the predator. Francis, ever the lover of animals, even made
a pact on behalf of the town dogs, that they would not bother the wolf
again. It is also said that Francis, to show the townspeople that they
would not be harmed, blessed the wolf.

These legends exemplify the Franciscan mode of charity and poverty as
well as the saint's love of the natural world.[22] Part of his
appreciation of the environment is expressed in his Canticle of the
Sun, a poem written in Umbrian Italian in perhaps 1224 which expresses
a love and appreciation of Brother Sun, Sister Moon, Mother Earth,
Brother Fire, etc. and all of God's creations personified in their
fundamental forms. In "Canticle of the Creatures," he wrote: "All
praise to you, Oh Lord, for all these brother and sister
creatures."[3]

Francis's attitude towards the natural world, while poetically
expressed, was conventionally Christian.[4] He believed that the world
was created good and beautiful by God but suffers a need for
redemption because of the primordial sin of man. He preached to man
and beast the universal ability and duty of all creatures to praise
God (a common theme in the Psalms) and the duty of men to protect and
enjoy nature as both the stewards of God's creation and as creatures
ourselves.[21]

Legend has it that St. Francis on his deathbed thanked his donkey for
carrying and helping him throughout his life, and his donkey wept.

Media

St. Francis by Johann Baptist Moroder-Lusenberg[edit] Films
The Flowers of St. Francis, a 1950 film directed by Roberto Rossellini
and co-written by Federico Fellini
Francis of Assisi, a 1961 film directed by Michael Curtiz, based on
the novel The Joyful Beggar by Louis de Wohl
Brother Sun, Sister Moon, a 1972 film by Franco Zeffirelli
Francesco, a 1989 film by Liliana Cavani, contemplatively paced,
follows Francis of Assisi's evolution from rich man's son to religious
humanitarian and eventually to full-fledged self-tortured saint. This
movie was inspired by Hermann Hesse's novel Peter Camenzind[citation
needed] and Scripta Leonis, Rufini et Angeli, Sociorum S. Francisci:
The Writings of Leo, Rufino and Angelo, Companions of St. Francis from
which much of the dialogue is taken directly. St. Francis is played by
Mickey Rourke, and the woman who later became Saint Clare, is played
by Helena Bonham Carter
St Francis, a 2002 film directed by Michele Soavi, starring Raoul Bova
and Amélie Daure.
Clare and Francis, a 2007 film directed by Fabrizio Costa, starring
Mary Petruolo and Ettore Bassi.
[edit] Classical music
Franz Liszt:
Cantico del sol di Francesco d'Assisi, S.4 (sacred choral work, 1862,
1880–81; versions of the Prelude for piano, S. 498c, 499, 499a;
version of the Prelude for organ, S. 665, 760; version of the Hosannah
for organ and bass trombone, S.677)
St. François d'Assise: La Prédication aux oiseaux, No. 1 of Deux
Légendes, S.175 (piano, 1862–63)
Mario Castelnuovo-Tedesco:
Fioretti (voice and orchestra, 1920)
Gian Francesco Malipiero:
San Francesco d'Assisi (soloists, chorus and orchestra, 1920–1921)
Amy Beach:
Canticle of the Sun (soloists, chorus and orchestra, 1928)
Leo Sowerby:
Canticle of the Sun (cantata for mixed voices with accompaniment for
piano or orchestra, 1944)
Seth Bingham
The Canticle of the Sun (cantata for chorus of mixed voices with soli
ad lib. and accompaniment for organ or orchestra, 1949)
Olivier Messiaen:
opera Saint François d'Assise (1975–83)
William Walton:
Cantico del sol (chorus, 1973–74)

Books

Sant Francesco (Saint Francis, 1895), a book of forty-three Saint
Francis poems by Catalan poet-priest Jacint Verdaguer, three of which
are included in English translation in Selected Poems of Jacint
Verdaguer: A Bilingual Edition, edited and translated by Ronald Puppo,
with an introduction by Ramon Pinyol i Torrents (University of
Chicago, 2007). The three poems are "The Turtledoves", "Preaching to
Birds" and "The Pilgrim".
Saint Francis of Assisi (1923), a book by G. K. Chesterton
"Blessed Are The Meek(1944 ). a book by [Zofia Kossak]
Saint Francis (1962), a book by Nikos Kazantzakis
Scripta Leonis, Rufini Et Angeli Sociorum S. Francisci: The Writings
of Leo, Rufino and Angelo Companions of St. Francis (1970), edited by
Rosalind B. Brooke, in Latin and English, containing testimony
recorded by intimate, long-time companions of St. Francis
Saint Francis and His Four Ladies (1970), a book by Joan Mowat
Erikson
The Life of Saint Francis of Assisi (1996), a book by Patricia
Stewart
Reluctant Saint: The Life of Francis of Assisi (2002), a book by
Donald Spoto
Flowers for St Francis (2005), a book by Raj Arumugam
Chasing Francis, 2006, a book by Ian Cron

Other

In Rubén Darío's poetry "Los Motivos Del Lobo" (The Reasons Of The
Wolf) St. Francis tames a terrible wolf only to discover that the
human heart harbors darker desires than those of the beast.
In Fyodor Dostoyevsky's The Brothers Karamazov, Ivan Karamazov invokes
the name of 'Pater Seraphicus,' an epithet applied to St. Francis, to
describe Alyshosha's spiritual guide Zosima. The reference is also
found in Goethe's "Faust," Part 2, Act 5, lines 11918–25.
Frank McCourt's autobiography Angela’s Ashes contains some references
to St. Francis.
St. Francis preaches to the birds (2005), chamber concerto for violin
by composer Lewis Nielson
Brother, Sister (2006), third full-length album by indie rock band
MewithoutYou, featuring the song "The Sun and Moon"
The song "Fifty Gallon Drum" from the album Talkin Honky Blues by Buck
65 contains the lyric "I've got a Francis of Assisi keychain, and a
wallet made of Corinthian leather."
St. Francis' Folly is a fictional building in both the original Tomb
Raider video game, and the remake, Tomb Raider: Anniversary, which
somewhat resembles the Pantheon, Rome. Although St. Francis is an
Italian saint, the fictional folly in the video game honors Greek
gods, and consists of a mixture of ancient Greek and Roman
architecture.
The song Boy From the Country, by Michael Martin Murphey from the
album Geronimo's Cadillac.
Sarah Slean's 2002 album, Night Bugs, contains a song entitled St.
Francis.
David Mazzucchelli's graphic novel "Asterios Polyp" makes several
references to Francis of Assisi, including the ironic question "Would
St. Francis swat a mosquito?"
In The Simpsons episode, Sweet and Sour Marge, He was referred to as
"The World's Most Overrated Saint".

Main writings

Canticum Fratris Solis or Laudes Creaturarum, Canticle of the Sun.
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Canticle_of_the_Sun
Prayer before the Crucifix, 1205 (extant in the original Umbrian
dialect as well as in a contemporary Latin translation).
Regula non bullata, the Earlier Rule, 1221.
Regula bullata, the Later Rule, 1223.
Testament, 1226.
Admonitions.
For a complete list, see [1]. http://198.62.75.1/www1/ofm/fra/FRAwr02.html

See also

Prayer of Saint Francis http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Prayer_of_Saint_Francis
Fraticelli http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Fraticelli
Saint Benedict, who founded the Benedictine Monastery.
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Benedict_of_Nursia
Saint Juniper, one of Francis' original followers.
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Juniper_(saint)
Saint Margaret of Cortona http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Saint_Margaret_of_Cortona
Saint-François d'Assise, an opera by Olivier Messiaen
Society of Saint Francis http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Saint-Fran%C3%A7ois_d%27Assise
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Olivier_Messiaen
The Flowers of St. Francis (1950), a film by Roberto Rossellini
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/The_Flowers_of_St._Francis
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Roberto_Rossellini
Saint-François (places called for Francis of Assisi in French-speaking
countries) http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Saint-Fran%C3%A7ois

References

^ a b c d e Chesterton(1924), p.126
^ a b c d e f g h i j Paschal Robinson (1913). "St. Francis of
Assisi". Catholic Encyclopedia. New York: Robert Appleton Company.
http://en.wikisource.org/wiki/Catholic_Encyclopedia_(1913)/St._Francis_of_Assisi.
^ a b c "Blessing All Creatures, Great and Small". Duke Magazine.
2006-11. http://www.dukemagazine.duke.edu/dukemag/issues/111206/depobs.html.
Retrieved 2007-07-30.
^ a b c Englebert, Omer (1951). The Lives of the Saints. New York:
Barnes & Noble. pp. 529. ISBN 978-1566195164.
^ a b Chesterton, Gilbert Keith (1924), St. Francis of Assisi (14
ed.), Garden City, New York: Image Books, pp. 158
^ Chesterton (1924), pp. 40–41
^ Bonaventure; Cardinal Manning (1867), The Life of St. Francis of
Assisi (from the Legenda Sancti Francisci) (1988 ed.), Rockford,
Illinois: TAN Books & Publishers, pp. 190, ISBN 978-0895553430
^ a b Chesterton(1924), pp. 54–56
^ Chesterton(1924), pp. 107–108
^ Galli(2002), pp. 74–80
^ a b c Chesterton(1924), pp. 110–111
^ Fioretti quoted in: St. Francis, The Little Flowers, Legends, and
Lauds, trans. N. Wydenbruck, ed. Otto Karrer (London: Sheed and Ward,
1979) 244.
^ a b Chesterton(1924), p.130
^ "Francis of Assisi in the Holy land". http://www.christusrex.org/www1/ofm/sbf/escurs/wwc/f.html.
^ "Life of St. Francis of Assisi by Paul Sabatier".
http://www.gutenberg.org/files/18787/18787-8.txt.
^ "St. Francis lecture". http://www.london.anglican.org/SermonShow_5071.
^ a b c Bonaventure (1867), p. 178
^ Bonaventure (1867), p. 162
^ a b c Chesterton(1924), p.131
^ Chesterton, G.K. (1987). St. Francis. Image. pp. 160 p.. ISBN
0385029004. http://www.catholic-forum.com/saints/stf01010.htm.
^ a b c Bonaventure (1867), pp. 78–85
^ Bonaventure (1867), pp. 67–68

Further reading

Basilica of St. Francis, AssisiFriar Elias, Epistola Encyclica de
Transitu Sancti Francisci, 1226.
Pope Gregory IX, Bulla "Mira circa nos" for the canonization of St.
Francis, 19 July 1228.
Friar Tommaso da Celano: Vita Prima Sancti Francisci, 1228; Vita
Secunda Sancti Francisci, 1246–1247; Tractatus de Miraculis Sancti
Francisci, 1252–1253.

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Thomas_of_Celano

Friar Julian of Speyer, Vita Sancti Francisci, 1232–1239.

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Julian_of_Speyer

St. Bonaventure of Bagnoregio, Legenda Maior Sancti Francisci, 1260–
1263.
Ugolino da Montegiorgio, Actus Beati Francisci et sociorum eius, 1327–
1342.
Fioretti di San Francesco, the "Little Flowers of St. Francis", end of
the 14th century: an anonymous Italian version of the Actus; the most
popular of the sources, but very late and therefore not the best
authority by any means.

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Little_Flowers_of_St._Francis

The Little Flowers of Saint Francis (Translated by Raphael Brown),
Doubleday, 1998. ISBN 978-0-385-07544-2

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Doubleday_(publisher)

External links

Find more about Francis of Assisi on Wikipedia's sister projects:

http://www.sacred-texts.com/chr/wosf/index.htm
http://franciscan-archive.org/
http://www.catholicrevelations.com/category/saints/the-life-of-st-francis-of-assisi-patron-saint-of-the-catholic-church-who-received-the-stigmata-of-jesus-christ.html

Textbooks from Wikibooks http://en.wikibooks.org/wiki/Special:Search/Francis_of_Assisi
Quotations from Wikiquote http://en.wikiquote.org/wiki/Francis_of_Assisi
Source texts from Wikisource http://en.wikisource.org/wiki/Special:Search/Francis_of_Assisi
Images and media from Commons http://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/Francis_of_Assisi
News stories from Wikinews http://en.wikinews.org/wiki/Special:Search/Francis_of_Assisi

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Francis_of_Assisi

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Mahavira
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

This article is about the Tirthankara of Jainism. For the Jain
mathematician Mahavira Acharya, see Mahavira (mathematician).

Mahāvīra

24th Jain Tirthankara

Miniature painting of Mahāvīra
Details

Alternate name: Vardhamana

Historical date: 599 – 527 BCE

Family

Father: Siddharatha
Mother: Trishala (Priyakarni)

Dynasty: Ikshvaku http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ikshvaku

Places

Birth: Kundalagrama near Vaishali

Nirvana: Pavapuri http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Pavapuri

Attributes

Colour: Yellow
Symbol: Lion
Height: 6 Feet
Age At Death: 72 years old

Attendant Gods

Yaksha: Matang http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Yaksha
Yaksini: Siddhayika http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Yaksini

Jainism

This article is part of a series on Jainism

Prayers and Vows

Navakar Mantra · http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Namokar_Mantra
Ahimsa · http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ahimsa
Brahmacharya · http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Brahmacharya
Satya · http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Satya
Nirvana · http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nirvana
Asteya · http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Asteya
Aparigraha · http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Aparigraha
Anekantavada · http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Anekantavada
Parasparopagraho Jīvānām http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Parasparopagraho_Jivanam

Key concepts

Kevala Jñāna · http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kevala_Jnana
Cosmology · http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jain_cosmology
Samsara · http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Samsara_(Jainism)
Karma · http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Karma_in_Jainism
Dharma · http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Dharma_(Jainism)
Mokṣa · http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Moksa_(Jainism)
Gunasthana · http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Gunasthana
Navatattva http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tattva_(Jainism)

Major figures

The 24 Tirthankaras · http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tirthankar
Rishabha · http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Rishabha_(Jain_tirthankar)
Mahavira ·
Acharya · http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Acharya
Ganadhar · http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ganadhar
Siddhasen Divakar · http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Siddhasen_Divakar
Haribhadra http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Haribhadra

Jainism by region

India · http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Indian_Jainism
Western http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jainism_in_the_West

Sects

Svetambara · http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Svetambara
Digambara · http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Digambara
Svetambar Terapanth · http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Svetambar_Terapanth
Sthanakvasi · http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sthanakvasi
Bisapantha · http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bispanth
Murtipujaka http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Murtipujaka

Texts

Kalpasutra · http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kalpasutra_(Jain)
Agama · http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/%C4%80gama_(Jainism)
Tattvartha Sutra · http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tattvartha_Sutra
Sanmatti Prakaran

Other

Timeline · http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Timeline_of_Jainism

Topics list http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/List_of_Jainist_topics

Jainism Portal
v • d • e

Mahavira (Sanskrit महावीर and Tamil அருகன்("Arugan") lit. "Great
Hero", traditionally 599 – 527 BCE[1]) is the name most commonly used
to refer to the Indian sage Vardhamana (Sanskrit: वर्धमान
"increasing") who established what are today considered to be the
central tenets of Jainism. According to Jain tradition, he was the
24th and the last Tirthankara. In Tamil, he is referred to as Arugan
or Arugadevan. He is also known in texts as Vira or Viraprabhu,
Sanmati, Ativira,and Gnatputra. In the Buddhist Pali Canon, he is
referred to as Nigantha Nātaputta.

Life

Birth of Prince Vardhaman

Queen Trishala and her fourteen dreamsIn a place called Kshatriyakunda
in the ancient kingdom of Lachuar in Jamui District in modern day
Bihar, India, Mahavira was born to King Siddartha and Queen Trishala
on the 13th day under the rising moon of Chaitra (12 April according
to the Gregorian calendar). While still in his mother's womb it is
believed he brought wealth and prosperity to the entire kingdom, which
is why he was also known as Vardhaman. An increase of all good things,
like the abundant bloom of beautiful flowers, was noticed in the
kingdom after his conception. Queen Trishala had 14 (14 in Swetambar
Sect, 16 in Digambar Sect) auspicious dreams before giving birth to
Vardhaman, signs foretelling the advent of a great soul.

Jain tradition states that after his birth, Indra bathed him in
celestial milk with rituals befitting a future Tirthankar and he was
returned to his mother, Trishala.

Vardhaman's birthday is celebrated as Mahavir Jayanti, the most
important religious holiday of Jains around the world.

Early years

As King Siddartha's son, he lived as a prince. However, even at that
tender age he exhibited a virtuous nature. He started engaging in
meditation and immersed himself in self-contemplation. He was
interested in the core beliefs of Jainism and began to distance
himself from worldly matters.

Spiritual pursuit

India at the time of MahaviraAt the age of thirty Mahavira renounced
his kingdom and family, gave up his worldly possessions, and spent
twelve years as an ascetic. During these twelve years he spent most of
his time meditating. He gave utmost regard to other living beings,
including humans, animals and plants, and avoided harming them. He had
given up all worldly possessions including his clothes, and lived an
extremely austere life. He exhibited exemplary control over his senses
while enduring the penance during these years. His courage and bravery
earned him the name Mahavira. These were the golden years of his
spiritual journey, at the end of which he achieved Kaivalya Gyan. He
was now a person of infinite harmony, knowledge and self-control.

Later years

Mahavira devoted the rest of his life to preaching the eternal truth
of spiritual freedom to people around India. He traveled barefoot and
without clothes, in the hardest of climates, and people from all walks
of life came to listen to his message. At one point Mahavira had over
400,000 followers. Mahavira's preaching and efforts to spread Jain
philosophy is considered the real catalyst to the spread of this
ancient religion throughout India and into the mainstream.

At the age of 72 years and 4.5 months, he attained Nirvana in the area
known as Pawapuri on the last day of the Indian and Jain calendars,
Dipavali. Jains celebrate this as the day he attained liberation or
Moksha. Jains believe Mahavira lived from 599-527 BCE, though some
scholars prefer 549-477 BCE.[2]

Philosophy

Mahavira

The Jina, or Mahavir, as Guru folio from a manuscript, Gujarat, India,
c. 1411Mahavira's philosophy has eight cardinal principals – three
metaphysical and five ethical. The objective is to elevate the quality
of life.

Mahavira preached that from eternity, every living being (soul) is in
bondage to karmic atoms accumulated by good or bad deeds. In a state
of karmic delusion, the individual seeks temporary and illusory
pleasure in material possessions, which are the root causes of self-
centered violent thoughts and deeds as well as anger, hatred, greed,
and other vices. These result in further accumulation of karma.

To liberate one's self, Mahavira taught the necessity of right faith
(samyak-darshana), right knowledge (samyak-gyana), and right conduct
(samyak-charitra'). At the heart of right conduct for Jains lie the
five great vows:

Nonviolence (Ahimsa) - to cause no harm to any living being;
Truthfulness (Satya) - to speak the harmless truth only;
Non-stealing (Asteya) - to take nothing not properly given;
Chastity (Brahmacharya) - to indulge in no sensual pleasure;
Non-possession/Non-attachment (Aparigraha) - to detach completely from
people, places, and material things.
These vows cannot be fully implemented without accepting the
philosophy of non-absolutism (Anekantvada) and the theory of
relativity (Syādvāda, also translated "qualified prediction"). Monks
and nuns adhere strictly to these vows, while the laypeople observe
them as best they can.

Mahavira taught that men and women are spiritual equals and that both
may renounce the world in search of moksh or ultimate happiness.

Mahavira attracted people from all walks of life, rich and poor, men
and women, touchable and untouchable. He organized his followers into
a fourfold order; monk (Sadhu), nun (Sadhvi), layman (Shravak), and
laywoman (Shravika). This order is known as Chaturvidh Jain Sangh.

Mahavira's sermons were preserved orally by his immediate disciples in
the Agam Sutras. Through time many Agam Sutras have been lost,
destroyed, or modified. About one thousand years after Mahavira's time
the Agam Sutras were recorded on Tadpatris (palm leaf paper used then
to form books). Swetambar Jains accept these sutras as authentic
teachings while Digambar Jains use them as a reference.

Jainism existed before Mahavir, and his teachings were based on those
of his predecessors. Thus Mahavira was a reformer and propagator of an
existing religion, rather than the founder of a new faith. He followed
the well established creed of his predecessor Tirthankar Parshvanath.
However, Mahavira did reorganize the philosophical tenets of Jainism
to correspond to his times.

A few centuries after Mahavira's Nirvana, the Jain religious order
(Sangh) grew more and more complex. There were schisms on minor
points, although they did not affect Mahavira's original doctrines.
Later generations saw the introduction of rituals and complexities
that some criticize as placing Mahavira and other Tirthankars on the
throne similar to those of Hindu deities.

Replica of Pavapuri temple at Pansara. Mahavira attained Nirvana at
Pava.
Plate showing Mahavira accepting Alms

Mahavira

Folio from a Kalpasutra (Book of Sacred Precepts) by Acharya
Bhadrabahu, c. 1400 CEThere are various Jain text describing life of
Lord Mahavira. Most notable of them is Kalpasutra by Acharya
Bhadrabahu I. First Sanskrit biography of Mahavira was
Vardhamacharitra by Asaga in 853 CE [3]

See also: "Sraman Mahavira" by Acharya Mahapragya

"Lord Mahavira and his times" by Kailash Chand Jain (1991) Motilal
Banarsidass Publishers PVT LTD Delhi (India)
"Lord Mahavira (A study in historical perspective)" by Bool Chand
( 1987 ) P.V. Research Institute I.T.I Road Varanasi 5 (India)
"Lord Mahavira in the eyes of foreigners" by Akshaya Kumar Jain
( 1975 ) Meena Bharati New Delhi 110003 (India)

Quotes

"Once when he sat [in meditation]... they cut his flesh... tore his
hair... picked him up and... dropped him... the Venerable One bore the
pain." (from the Acaranga Sutra)

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Acaranga_Sutra

See also

Tirthankara http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tirthankara
Jain philosophy http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jain_philosophy
Jainism http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jainism
History of Jainism http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/History_of_Jainism
Trishala http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Trishala

Notes

^ "Mahavira." Britannica Concise Encyclopedia. Encyclopædia
Britannica, Inc., 2006. Answers.com 28 Nov. 2009. http://www.answers.com/topic/mahavira
^ The Perennial Dictionary of World Religions. Keith Crim, editor.
Harper & Row Publishers: New York, 1989. 451.
^ Jain, Kailash Chand (1991). Lord Mahāvīra and his times, Lala S. L.
Jain Research Series. Motilal Banarsidass. p. 59. ISBN 8120808053.
http://books.google.co.in/books?id=0UCh7r2TjQIC&pg=PA341&lpg=PA341&dq=asaga+9th+century+poet&source=bl&ots=9hmuD0MAsf&sig=2qxwBO1G_4alg8v9KXbzJuFZZ9M&hl=en&ei=1_SKSojFDYPe7AOJyrGgDw&sa=X&oi=book_result&ct=result&resnum=1#v=onepage&q=&f=false.

[edit]

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citations containing each referenced work's title, author, date, and
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(February 2010)

http://www.cs.colostate.edu/~malaiya/mahavira.html
http://www.jainguru.com/mahabir.html
Shri Mahavir Swami Jain temple in Osiya http://www.shriosiyamataji.org/mahavirswamitemplehistory.html
Mahavir Swami http://jainreligion.in/Jain-Tirth/Bhagwan-Mahavir-Swami-Message-Urjayant-sagar.asp

24 Tirthankars of Jainism

Rishabha or Adinath • http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Rishabha_(Jain_tirthankar)
Ajitnath • http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ajitnath
Sambhavanath • http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sambhavanath
Abhinandannath • http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Abhinandannath
Sumatinath • http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sumatinath
Padmaprabha • http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Padmaprabha
Suparshvanath • http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Suparshvanath
Chandraprabha • http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Chandraprabha
Pushpadanta • http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Pushpadanta
Sheetalnath • http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sheetalnath
Shreyansanath • http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Shreyansanath
Vasupujya • http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Vasupujya
Vimalnath • http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Vimalnath
Anantnath • http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Anantnath
Dharmanath • http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Dharmanath
Shantinath • http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Shantinath
Kunthunath • http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kunthunath
Aranath • http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Aranath
Mallinath • http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mallinath
Munisuvrata • http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Munisuvrata
Naminatha • http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nami_Natha
Neminatha • http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Neminath
Parshva • http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Parshva

Mahavira http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mahavira

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mahavira

http://navanavonmilita.wordpress.com/of-god-godmen-and-good-men-sid-harth-8/

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